Nammyung(南冥) Cho Sik(曺植 : 1501∼1572), one of the most practical Confucian scholars in Chosun dynasty, was known to the general pubilc as a poet who loved Chirisan(智異山). Appreciating hi1ls and waters around beautiful Chirisan, he never regarded Chirisan as a simple target of elegant pursuit. While wandering around hills and waters, he did not wirte poems full of only taste and elegance. On the contrary. his pursuit on the reflection of life, the origin of life and contentment with poverty and delight in the Way was well expressed in his poems. The meanings of hills and waters that he described can be classified into four categories. First, he and natural scenery became as one body and show an enterprising spirit. Nammyung loved Doorusan(頭流山) and the grandeur of waterway in it and he expresses a valiant spirt using the magnificence of Chirisan. Second, Nammyung did not see hills and waters as only the target of appreciation but he saw the meaning of hills and waters as mirrors that reflect his feelings and society. Not only the beauty of hills and waters he searched his soul through them and turned natural scenery into reflection and self-examination that take people in adversity into account. Third. Nammyung shows his uneasy situation as a wander between conflict of his present situation and longing for hills and waters. Though he was always attracted by hills and waters, he never took himself away from the reality. Here comes discrepancy and conflict. Due to his emphasis on safety and honor, he aspired after nature and harbored himself. He, however, cared about how people lived and tried to take care of them according to Confucian teachings. Fourth, he was expressed as a poet who peacefully wandered aroud and devoted himself into the world of purity and no concern. Though Nammyung lived in poverty. what he pursued was to seek after truth without any public criticism. Hills and waters became pure and ideal space to realize such a life. The hills and waters of Chirisan which laid open to Nammyung was the space where he wanted to live and he materialized his desire in his poems.

Most studies on Nammyeong Jo Sik's literary works have been focused mainly on the discussion about his poems and aesthetic sense on which his literature was based. Moreover, researches on his prose unlike that on poetry have made little progress, especially with no studies on epitaphs, which are considered important among his prose in classical Chinese. This thesis is to examine Nammyeong Jo Sik's style of writing and the underlying aesthetic sense, focusing on his epitaphs, which most researchers have had little interest in so far. When he wrote epitaph, Nammyeong Jo Sik put great emphasis on frank narration among other things, which is to describe the truth about the dead person in question. Besides, he stressed two points; first, to know the dead concerned very well and to frankly describe the fact about the dead person without flattering attitude, under any circumstances. We can prove that he applied these rules to the writing of epitaph. Above all, it is clear in the fact that among about 22 epitaphs, most of them were for his own father, relatives, close friends and relatives of his pupils whose family history and specific situations he himself knew very well. Secondly, as shown explicitly from the epitaph for his deceased father, he faithfully followed his own rule not to flatter a dead person by exaggerating or making an excuse. In addition to the rule of truth, he exalted epitaph to the high place of literary works not only by narrating the fact frankly, but also freely expressing his own feelings. At this point, it is worth mentioning the episode concerning the epitaph he wrote for the late father of Guam(龜巖) Yi Jeong(李楨), who was one of major scholars living in Yeongnam(嶺南) province and Nammyeong Jo Sik kept in contact with. As Guam Yi Jeong sent the epitaph to T'oegye(退溪) Yi Hwang(李滉), asking for correction, this led to an indirect argument between T'ogye Yi Hwang and Nammyeong Jo Sik. Exceptionally T'oegye Yi Hwang corrected a lot the epitaph written by Nammyeong Jo Sik, severely criticizing the form and content of the epitaph. Naturally, Nammyeong Jo Sik did not accept the criticism of T'oegye Yi Hwang, because they were much different in a philosophical inclination and view of study as well as literary taste and style. Consequently, they both showed great opposition to each other's style and aesthetic sense concerning the epitaph beyond compromise. Nammyeong Jo Sik thought that he was not so much literarily successful, but he himself was the successor of 'ancient prose'(古文) tradition, while he criticized T'oegye Yi Hwang's style naming it 'popular prose'(今文) despite his success in the world. On the other hand, T'oegye Yi Hwang criticized Nammyeong Jo Sik's epitaph for his consistently changing rule, mentioning that there are certain rules of epitaph narration, which are the fixed rule and changing rule. Form this controversy between the two persons concerning epitaph writing, we can understand to some extent the thought of men of noble family in the early Chosen dynasty period concerning epitaph as an important form of prose in classical Chinese.

For Hakkilyupeon(學記類編) classifying and editing Nammyeong(南冥) Jo Sik(曺植)'s reading note, it needs to research and identify the source of quotations come from Hakkilyupeon(學記類編) instead of recomposing Nammyeong Jo Sik's studies through Hakkilyupeon(學記類編). Therefore, the purpose of this paper was to identify the structure of Hakkilyupeon(學記類編) 1st volume. The results of this study were as follows. Hakkilyupeon(學記類編) 1st volume was roughly divided into '太極天地·鬼神·性命·氣質性·心·通論', but as a result of analyzing the contents it was subdivided into '太極·天地·鬼神·誠·性命·心性情·仁·氣質之性·心·知覺·道心人心·天理人欲·情·志·意·道·德·忠恕·忠信·雜記'. This means that Hakkilyupeon(學記類編) was edited based on the cataloging of Jinsilu(近思錄), but 87% of quotations were actually grounded on the list of Xingli daquan(性理大全). Concerning quotations were not found from Xingli daquan(性理大全), could find them from Sishu daquan(四書大全) and 眞德秀's '讀書記', therefore supposed Xingli daquan(四書大全), Sishu daquan(性理大全) and '讀書記' as Nammyeong Jo Sik's scientific source. In addition, there were parts could guess that Nammyeoung Jo Sik read Zhuzi yulei(朱子語類), '河南程氏粹書', '河南程氏粹言', '木鍾集', '魯齊遺書', '居業錄' and so on. The structure of Hakkilyupeon(學記類編), which continues from 2nd volume to 5th volume, will be analyzed in the future studies.

Jisujeong is a bower Kim Deug-yeon builds to best of his ability from latter part of his fifties. The building is not merely for pastimes, but for his applying himself to his own study, teaching younger scholars, and carrying on his own life converted to Nature. The reason why he name his building 'Jisu' is as follows; for staying the flowing water, for making his mind clear, not only for the former purposes but for awakening others mind. In addition, it can be said that he reveals implicitly his likings for the mountain and water, and has both wisdom and benevolence. In Jisujeong and Eight famous spots in Jisujeong, he recites the surrounding scenery of his life. The contents of the two poems are the longing for the benevolent wizard's life in the mountain, but indeed his genuine message are the beauty of Nature, and the disinterested living with Nature. Jisujeong and Eight famous spots in Jisujeong, making the relationships and functions of the poet and the persona clear, result in the harmony or unison with natural phenomena. In these poems we can find out, doing away with his ambitions for success or desires for fame, devoting to Nature, his livings free from worldly life for himself to the end. It seems that Ode on Jisujeong has seven features. Firstly, it has a full length. It represents he is a talented literary man. Secondly, the effects of description are in good use. Thirdly, he uses many difficult historical allusions. Fourthly, not a matter of prestiges, his thoughts and deeds, his words and deeds are kept accord with. Fifthly, the feature of describing his feelings has in common with the former Chinese poems. Sixthly, he reveals that he is a manly man, and performs his own natural disposition. Seventhly, listing the characters he has studied and respected, he presents the orientation of his mind. Kim Deug-ueon is both a scholar and a literary man, living from the mid-sixteenth century to the early days in the seventeenth century. Of his works, there remain six hundred Chinese poems, sixty three sijios(three-verse Korean poem), one lyrics, twenty three Chinese proses. Judging from this we are not supposed to fail to notice his value in korean literary history.

It is said to be that most part of Seo-in(西人) scholars (e.g. Song, Si-yeol(宋時烈) and his pupils) regarded Neo-Confucianism(朱子學) as the absolute one, and only admitted it for their orthodoxy. In contrast, however, there was a bunch of scholars who tried to accept Neo-Confucianism critically participating in Seo-in party such as Jo, ik(趙翼), Choi, Yu-hae(崔有海), Choi, Yu-Ji In terms of this viewpoint, I focused on the fact that Gan-ho(艮湖) Choi, Yu-Ji(崔攸之) had revised the book of "Dae-hak-jang-gu"(『大學章句』), and studied his revised contents and its significance to this paper. Gan-ho's revision on " Dae-hak-jang-gu" proofread by Chu-tzu(朱熹:1130-1200) are summarized as follows; (1) Gan-ho regarded next two chapters of 'mul-yu-bon-mal(物有本末)……' and 'gi-bon-ran-yi-mi-chi-ja(基本亂而末治者)……' included in the major text(經) as the explanation of 'Gyeok-mul(格物)', so remade it into the 4th chapter of the minor text(傳) combining with the chapter of 'Cheong-song(聽訟章)' (2) Gan-ho regarded next two chapters of 'ji-ji-yi-hy-yu-jeong(知止而后有定)……' included in the major text and 'gi-bon-ran-yi-mi-chi-ja(基本亂而末治者)……' included in the 5th chapter of the minor text as the explanation of 'Chi-ji(致知)', so remade it into the 5th chapter of the minor text combining the two chapters. The significance of revision on the book of "Dae-hak-jang-gu" by Gan-ho can be valued as follows; (1) Several Seo-in scholars had succeeded progressively traditional scholarship without falling in the trap of adhesion under highly 'Neo-Confucianism dominated circumstance'. (2) Gan-ho had revised some part of "Dae-hak-jang-gu" with his trailblazing viewpoint based on the peculiar studying method mentioned above. (3) Gan-ho had succeeded and developed the former theories digestion well enough advocated by Dong, Goi(董槐) and Gueon, Geun(權近) (4) The separation of the two chapter of 'Gyeok-mul' and 'Chi-ji' from Chu-tzu's "Dae-hak-jang-gu" by Gan-go is outstanding opinion never found on former theories. In interpretation history of "Dae-hak", therefore, it must be valued to quite a new theory that no one had ever mentioned before.

Two books have recently been published to argue for diametrically opposite views. One is『Gongjaga jugeoya naraga sanda(The Nation will prosper once Confucius dies)』, which argues for the negative impact of Confucianism on the nation's culture. The other is 『Gongjaga salaya naraga sanda(The Nation will prosper once Confucius becomes alive)』, which puts emphasis upon constructive elements in Confucianism. I believe that it does not matter whether Confucius is dead or alive but it matters whether every individual in this nation is with him- or herself. The purpose of this essay is to explain how Confucius taught everyone to be with oneself, especially for political leaders. In Confucius view, everyone could be a political leader once he or she learns the way(Do; 道). The methods by which Confucius brought up political leaders were peculiar in many respects. First, the teacher never sought for the learner but the learner sought for the teacher. The teacher never failed to teach those who came with proper manners(Ye; 道). Second, the teacher never taught those who did not put an effort as well as those who did not ask questions. Third. the teacher taught how to live a righteous life. Fourth, the teacher tried to bring out the best out of the learner. Since each individual's merits differ from the others', answers to a question from different individuals varied. Fifth, the teacher took into consideration the level of the learner. An adult could at times be taught by utterances but at other times by silence. In short, the teacher must be with the learner, a prospective political leader so as not to lose oneself, and guard the learner so as to shine from one's within.