To speak most broadly about the two representative Neo-Confucians of the mid-sixteenth century Choson, Toegye(Yi Hwang, 1501-1570) focused on the theories of nature and principle and self-cultivation, whereas Nammyung(Cho Shik, 1501-1572) focused on those of self-cultivation and righteousness. One may explain such difference by their opposite personalities: the one had a mild temper with sympathy and tolerance, while the other a strong temper with strictness and critical power. Basically, however, these two had a common ground in the system of Neo-Confucianism(Tohak), and their difference occurred in the course of searching for a more rational and efficient way of achieving the same goal. Therefore, the difference is significant in that it presented the complementary models of Neo-Confucian learning as could be realized in that period, and that it diversified, thereby, the mode of understanding and responding to the times as well as the method of learning. So in comparing Toegye and Nammyung's traditions of learning, I aim at drawing attention to the diversifying and complementary meaning of the difference rather than to the contradictory and rivalrous meaning of it. The difference between Toegye and Nammyung in their traditions of learning can be summarized in three points. Firstly, by carrying the question fo attentiveness(jing) through his methodology of learning, Toegye established a tradition centering around the self-cultivation theory. Nammyung, in his part, emphasized the coherence of attentiveness and righteousness(yi) and thereby established a tradition which, though based on the self-cultivation theory, took the righteousness theory seriously to confirm the standard of value necessary for the social practices of self-cultivation. Secondly, Toegye's program proceeds from intellectual activities of deliberation and distinction to self-cultivation, whereas Nammyung's starts from self-cultivation and ends at the social practice of the rule of right(wang-dao). Thirdly, it was a progressive way of reformation aiming at preparing the foundation for the peaceful future that Toegye endeavored to educate the young intellectuals with an intense focus on the self-cultivation theory. On the other hand, it was a radical way toleration no injustice that Nammyung demanded the government a drastic reformation criticizing its contradictory operations directly. Such points of difference provide us the background for understanding the facts that Toegye, having resigned from his official position, exerted himself on learning and self-cultivation and that Nammyung, though never acception an official position, kept raising social issues in a vigorous and strong voice. Different academic traditions of Toegye and Nammyung were closely connected with different attitudes toward the social realities of the times: endeavoring at self-cultivation vs. trying to save the world; providing education for the future vs. trying to realize the ideals in the present. Although the mild and moderate attitude and the strong and radical one are contrary, neither of them are subject to judgement of right and wrong. Rather, both are necessary, for well-balanced solutions can derived only from the harmony and compromise between the two most typical ways of response. By providing the universal truths to their times, the traditions of Toegye and Nammyung could establish themselves as the two main axes of the Neo-Confucian tradition of Choson and exercise extensive influence throughout the late Choson Choson dynasty. Their wisdom needs be re-appreciated as one of the most fundamental insights in our times: the wisdom of understanding the essence of the human hature, devising methods of cultivating human virtues, and seeing that the social order is possible only when founded on the human morality and managing a society only when those in ruling position are moral.

This thesis deals with comparing and observing 『Shim Kyoung』 which Donggo wrote to Nammyoung for a present as well as the books written by Nammyoung and Donggo, their growing background and learning, their positions as government officers, and 「Moojinbongsa」 and 「Byounginbongsa」, letters having written to show respect to the King There are more records about Nammyung in 『Donggoyugo』 than in 『Nammyoungjib』. However, I am aware of the fact that the two books have almost the same content in them. 「Nammyoungshimkyoungbal」 has exactly the same content as 『Donggoyugo』. According to the comparition of these two books, I found that Donggo had sent the medicine material, calenda, 『Shimkyoung』, and other things to Nammyoung. Then Nammyoung sent appreciation letters to Donggo. In 『Shimkyoung』, Donggo suggested to Nammyoung that he became a government officer, but Nammyoung was only interested in morality. Donggo sent his son to Deoksan to grieve Nammyoung's death. They had the different pedigrees. Nammyoung's forefathers, who live in Huubcheon, didn't have any big government ranks. However, Donggo's forefathers had high government ranks. In their backgrounds some things are the same and some things are different. The things that were different were that Nammyoung was born in a rural area and his father died when he was 6 years old, but Donggo was born in Seoul and his father died when he was 26 years old. The things they had in common were that they all struggled economically, their mothers were all very clever, and they were not the eldest sons in their families. As they had different pedigrees, in the end Nammyoung became a scholar and Donggo became responsible for the national property. When Nammyoung was studying, I suppose that he was taught about learning from his father. However, Donggo learned about it from Lee, Yeonkyoung and Mr. Thansoo. When they were staying in Hyubcheon and Sangju, I suppose that they went to Hwang, Hyoheon to study, Nammyoung didn't go to school but Donggo went to school. Nammyoung changed his career objectives due to failing the exam to be a government officer, but Donggo started the job as a government officer because he passed it. Nammyoung's highest rank in his life was only Hyunkam, but Donggo was Youngeujung. However, Nammyoung was appointed to a high position by the King. In 「Moojinbongsa」written by Nammyoung, he insisted on 'Respect', which is the important item of his consideration. It is the same that in 「Byounginbongsa」Donggo insisted on 'Harmony' which is an important item of his consideration. In 「Moojinbongsa」, he made clear the troubles of the government officers and suggested to the King that he treat all the problems of the government very strictly. In 「Byounginbongsa」, Donggo insisted harmony and advised that they have to prepare the following King through logic which to choose the talented men. I am aware that both of them did their best with their position at that time. When Doggo was 33 years old, he presented 『Shimkyoung』to Nammyoung. When Donggo gave that. I supposed that he transmitted Nammyoung 'Su-ki-chi-in'(to control themselves by learning) of the important spirit of Confucianism. Nammyoung decided to himself that he would try to study harder when he received the book. Both of them had lived differently but they always cared for their people. The fact Donggo gave a present, 『Shimkyoung』 to Nammyoung. After much consideration, study and hearing from our country's political leaders, I have become aware that there is now more study and consideration being given to our country.

Due to a series of massacres of Confucian scholars including 'Muosahwa(戊年土禍)' until the early part of the 16th century. many scholars gave up entering on an official career and secluded themselves from the world. Nammyeong(南冥) and Iljae(一齋) also led humble lives in a remote village. They devoted themselves to studying and practicing sacred books including Daehak(大學) The Great Learning-, which is the basic book for the realization of politics based on the rule of right, to cultivate their mind in the way of 'Geogyeonggibui(居敬集義)' and 'Geogyeonggungkyeong(居敬窮義)'. They were recommended as Yuil-those who don't enter into government service, but they were not positive. It is not because they didn't have any intention of government position, but because they thought that their sovereign was not worth working with. Nammyeong(南冥) didn't enter on an official career all life, but Iljae(一齋) did that a while. Nammyeong(南冥) is more complete than Iljae(南冥). However both Nammyeong(南冥) and Iljae(一齋) taught junior scholars through reading and lecture, and they practiced 'Kyeongui'. They always worried about the life of the people and the matters of the nation. Such things are their common points. Especially all of them suggested and practiced 'Kyeon(敬)' as a key point of cultivation and a learning method. When they met the king and advised him on the main point of statecraft. they emphasized that he had to deat with everything through 'Kyeong(經)'-oriented method We can know how positively they practiced 'Neo Confucianism(性理學)' through this. Though Nammyeong(南冥) and Iljae(一齋) won great popularity due to their studies and reputation in the right of Kyeongsang province(慶尙石道) and the north of Honam area(湖南北部), they didn't seem to associate with each other except the fact that they studied together in Seoul, went Seoul through recommendation and exchanged their thought about studies and official career. However it seems that they knew each other well, worried about their future, and had lots of interest and affection. At that time, the dispute on 'Liqi theory(理氣論)' was in full swing, and Nammyeong(南冥), who was positive in practice, didn't state particular opinion. He reconfirmed Zhuzi's viewpoint and expressed his opinion. He had a tendency of 'Liqi monism(理氣一元論)'. This is similar to Iljae(一齋)'s 'Liqi's Unity(理氣體論)' based on Na, HeumSun(羅欽順)'s theory. Many scholars, who secluded themselves from the world, tried to be learned and have interest in 'The Doctrines of Wang Yangming(陽明學)'. 'Liqi's Unity(理氣一元論)' was inclined to 'Neo Confucianism(性理學)'. If we consider the social background, which attached greater importance to theoretical studies than to practice, their theory deserves our attention.

The attitude of living in seclusion in East Asia culture has a different character from the Western one. Hermit's life in Western culture generally has a religious character to imitate Christ or Apostles, but the life in seclusion in East Asia is mostly due to social and economic reasons. Under this social and political background, a phenomenon where intellectuals-in-chief appear on a large scale who wants to live in seclusion turning their back on the world starting from 16th century in our history. The most typical people appeared in this phenomenon of 16th century are Nammyeong(南冥) Jo Sik(曺植) and Daegok(大谷) Sung Woon(成運) of all people. In case of Nammyeong and Daegok, peoples of considerable amount around or disciples following them have academic traditions and a strong nature to live in seclusion, this seems like one of the natural phenomena appearing from the initial step of conflict between Nammyeong and Deagok's ideas and study propensity and the orthodox soˇngnihak(性理學) and the following result from the actual and political ups and downs. Generally feeling the critical moment of the era itself and deal with it through Confucian disciplines and studies, those persons comparatively freely teated with fields that were regarded as a heretic by the orthodox philosophy as well as prepared their location. In result, in a standpoint of the orthodox philosophy, there were confusions in prescribing their character. However, those two people's seclusion (from the world) is sending out its color in the philosophy history of Chosuˇn because they chose hermit's life as a firm view of life from the beginning, apart from the most cases that seclusions were chosen without any choice due to a political knock-out. At the same time, its importance in philosophy history is very big in that their life aim as a hermit presents one of hermits' life aims which appear as 'a symbol of an intelligence out of power' on a large scale in our 16th century. From a historical point of view. there are two kinds of hermits. One is freedom-oriented hermits who wants to enjoy their life without any restrictions from anyone and the other one is an abstinent type of hermits selection the way of seclusion and disciplining themselves rigidly for the purpose of avoiding an extreme situation of political and social actuality. If we say Nammyeong is more approaching to abstinent type, Daegok would be close to the freedom-oriented type. After a while, this difference can be come out as a difference from their ordinary life attitude to scientific and ideal view of world or literary aesthetic sense. But the actual hermit type variously existing in the middle of these two extremes, compromising this freedom-oriented type and abstinent type. This is generally shown as a type pointing abstinence in material way and free seclusion life in spiritual way. In conclusion, Nammyeong and Daegok are the typical persons who showed hermit's life in the 16th century which appeared in earnest as an influential art of intellectuals' living. Not compromising the prevailing state of the society and the trend of that times, lived according to their belief and way with maintaining a strong spirit and belief, so they let a model of strongly independent character which are rare come into our spiritual history.

This paper is a research on the thinking basis and aspect of adapting reality represented by Nan-myeong(南冥) and Gal-cheon(葛川). I found next tendencies in each of their thinking basis by looking into the gener of 'bu(賦)' written by them, provisionally. 1. Nam-myeong regarded a fundamental problem as important; Gal-cheon considered a practical use in reality as important. 2. Nam-myeong pursued internal perfection of morality ; Gal-cheon pursued external enlightenment of morality. 3. Nam-myeong made an effort to cultivate his mind through practicing the virtue of self-development ; 'jon-yang(存養)', 'seong-chal(省察)', 'geuk-gi(克己)' ; Gal-cheon wished to make 'the reign of peace(太平聖代)' entering to the world with his frugal virtue. 4. Nam-myeong placed more importance on 'su-gi(修己)' than 'chi-in(治人)' ; Gal-cheon placed more importance on 'chi-in(治人)' than 'su-gi(修己)'. And I deduced next characters in the aspect of the adaption in reality considering their 'memorial to the Throne(上疏文)'. About the time when 'eul-myo-sa-jik-so(乙卯辭職宵)' was offered by Nam-myeong in 1555, he criticized severely the tumultuous national situation, and suggested its essential relief measures to King Myeong-jong(明宗). On the other hand, at that time, Gal-cheon pursued 'the contentment with poverty and delight in the Way(安貧樂道)' after retiring from the official position of 'cham-bong(參奉)', and did not show any criticism for political or social condition in particular. When the government engaged both of them as a Nester at the throne changing era between Myeong-jong(明宗) and Seon-jo(宣祖) about 10 years later from 1555, Gal-cheon served in the government with 'hyeon-gam(縣監)' and 'mok-sa(牧使)'(names of county governor) responding to the recommendation, but Nam-myeong never entered into the official position after all. However, they cried for the reform of politic sphere each other. Nam-myeong pointed out the fundamental problems ＆ principles with memorial to the Throne demanding sovereign must practice 'the rule of virtue(王道)' showing his own initiative, but Gal-cheon emphasized the relief measure concerning public welfare indicating the realistic problems. In addition, the Nam-myeong and Gal-cheon's principles on official position showed different aspect. Nam-myeong was eager to the actualization of 'the rule of virtue' regarding himself as an executer for 'King Yao and Shun's Tao(堯舜之道)', and did not want to get the position by departing from his principle at not proper time. Thus, he made himself as a man of virtue keeping the dominant principle. Differ from Nam-myeong, however, Gal-cheon pursued the life of 'the contentment with poverty and delight in the Way' after retiring from the official position of 'cham-bong' in 1555, and it was derived from his avoid-make-trouble tendency with peripheral environments. Although it was a fact, Gal-cheon never gave up the will of 'administrating the state to relieve the people's suffering(經世濟民)', so he entered into the official position consequently. This is the Gal-cheon's right view of 'haeng-youg-sa-jung「用行舍藏 : If recommended, practicing Tao with taking up position. And if discarded, possessing his own Tao lonelily」'.

The Chinese character carved on the monument at Moo Jang Temple(무장사, 藏寺) bear a striking resemblance to the calligraphic specimen of Wang Hee Ji(왕희지, 王羲之) the famous Chinese calligrapher. This has led many to believe that these characters on the monument are an assembly of Wang's calligraphic writings culled from one place to another. However, when considering how proportionally and harmoniously those characters are arrayed and how homogeneous they look in size and heavy stroke style, one may find it difficult to imagine that they are merely a collection of Wang's calligraphic works selected and pieced together carefully. According to my own inquiry, numerous experts of the field in the past, including Kim Jung Hee (김정희, 金正喜) and Hong Yang Ho(홍양호, 洪良浩), have recorded that those characters in question are the work of Kim Yook Jin(김육진, 金育珍), a calligrapher during the Silla Dynasty. I would also propose that what we see in the monument are not the work of Wang Hee Ji but the work of Kim Yook Jin who, with Wang Hee Ji as his primary model, had mastered the art of calligraphy to the highest possible level. If this is true, what we see in the monument is a great calligraphic work produced by an individual who had accomplished such an artistic achievement that is comparable with that of Wang Hee Ji. Kim Yook Jin's new dexterity was such that even the experts in the field could be mistaken his work for that of Wang's. If this claim here turns out to be valid, it is likely that we are witnessing a fresh new mane added to the list of the Korea's greatest calligraphers. Futhermore, the significance of this addition is that it will shed light on some unexplored chapter in the calligraphical history of Silla Dynasty which includes a handful of calligraphers only such as Kim Sang(김생, 金生).

Myeonangjeongsameonga is a poem written in Chinese originally created by Song Sun. Song Sun was born is Sangdeok-ri, Bongsan-myeon, Damyang-gun in Jeollanam-do. He was a poet and politician in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty. His pseudonym is Myeonang, and the pavilion named Myeonangjeong was constructed for him. Besides, he was the representative of the Myeonangjeong poet club. He composed 560 Chinese poems, 30 shijos(a three-stanza Korean ode) and one gase(a sort of essay). Myeongangsameonga is very peculiar in its form. It consists of three letters on one line. Unlike a poem with five to seven letters on one line, this song is the first one that was composed of three letters on one line. The theme of this song is mostly about nature. The content of this poem had an effect on the productions of Myeonangjeongdanga(shijo) and Myeonangjeongjangga(gasa). In conclusion, the form of Song Sun's Myeonangjeongsameonga is very unique. Myeonangjeongdanga and Myeonangjeongjangga are also based on this song. In other words, Myeonangjeongsameoga forms the basis of Song Sun's poems.

The poems of Wangsogun. had been written by many Korean, Chinese, and Japanese poets in ancient time. Today we can discover several different aspects from the their contents. On this parer, I would like to introduce the particular points of three nations' poems in which Wangsogun's life was divided in six terms. The first, I am interested in how poets of each nation described Wangsogun, before she left the court of Han(漢) in old time of China. In the poems, poets of three nations commonly told it very sadly at that time. However Japanese and Chinese poets did not say about it as sad as Korean do. It is very interesting thing that Korean poets sang the fact distinctly. Probably, in Korea the birth and growth of someone are accepted as an important thing than any other country. The second. Wangsogun had lived unhappily in the court of Han, because she didn't be recognized by Woenhe(元帝), the Emperor of Han. Among the poets of Japan and China, this problems were not accepted as a large issue except of Korea. The third, it was really miserable thing for the poets of three countries in ancient East Asia to describe the fact that Wangsogun departed for Hyungno(匈奴). Especially, In Japan, this subject of Wangsogun's poem, was accepted more serioulsy than the other countries. The fourth,it caused variety problems why Wangsogun had to be married to Hohansa(呼漢邪), the king of Hyungno. The poets of three nations generally explained that Wangsogun wanted to go there by herself, but that reason was different from each other country. The fifth, the life of which Wangsogun had lived in Hyungno, implicated lots of means in Chinese poems. In historical materials, it was treated very importantly whether Wangsogun was married to his son or not. But, in the poems, many poets of three countries criticized about incapability of Han dynasty. The sixth, at this part, I try to understand the reaction of poets who wrote the Cheongchong(靑家), Wangsongun's tomb. Many Korean, Chinese and Japanese poets sang the Wangsogun's conduct through description of Cheongchong. Especially Korean poets described the mood of Wangsogun's tomb less than Chinese poets. This aspect was caused from Korean poets had not have many opportunities to see the Cheongchong. On the above, Icompared three nations ancient poems which told the life of a woman who lived in the court of Han, and was married to Hohansa. We realize the fact that poets of three nations described the life of Wangsogun in various sides of hteir various versions. In many cases, Chinese poets sighed at the tragic fate of their own country, Korean expressed the sorrow of themselves through the Wangsogun's poems, and Japanese sang the grief of Wangsogun who had to go to Orangkae(胡)'s region.