Though the philosophy of Jo Sik was based on 朱子學, making little of the frame of particular sects, he adopted any doctrines useful for his moral self-cultivation. Such an attitude appeared in his practical method of self-cultivation and he tried various methods using many tools such as bells, swords, pictures and leather belts. These miscellaneous characters are found in his work 學記類編. This book does not seem edited with a clear plan outwardly and it seems very difficult to abstract the system of his consistent theories from it. Such miscellaneous characters had a very important meaning in the process of his self-cultivation. It is 敬 that was placed in the center of the method of his self-cultivation. Investing into the parts of this book in which 敬 is treated, we can find the importance of 敬 in his thought and the variety of the concrete methods of practicing 敬. Many works of Sung dynasty and Yu˙˙an dynasty were quoted in this book and any works of Ming dynasty were not. But examining words and phrases quoted in this book one by one, we can find that many of them were

The article aims to compare the thought and practice between Nammyeong Jo Sik(1501-1572), the Confucian scholar of the mid Choso˘n period and Yamazaki Ansai(1618-1682), the Confucian scholar of the early Tokugawa Japan. Most of the comparative studies are conducted to highlight the differences between the cases compared. People, for example, will expect from the comparative study of Nammyeong and Ansai's thoughts to see the differences of reception and development of the Neo-Confucian thought in Choso˘n and Tokugawa Japan. This article, however, focuses on the commonalities and similarities shared by the two Neo-Confucians who lived in the totally different political systems and backgrounds. Both of them concentrated not on how to philosophize their own thinking but on ways to actualize the truths revealed by their antecedents. Their lives, therefore, were consistent in practising the truths discovered by the sages. Their concrete methods of practice were Jing(敬) and Yi(義). The two thinkers actualized their beliefs: Nammyeong as Chushi(處士) in times of the massacre of literati in mid Choso˘n period, and Yamazaki Ansai as Binshi(賓帥) in the barrack state, a counry unfamiliar with Neo-Confucianism. They shared the common dreams of being the Wangshi(王帥) and truly corresponded to Chu Hsi(朱熹)'s idea of the citizen of the cosmopolitan world.

1. Jo-Sik was a great Confucain scholar of the Lee Dynasty in 16th century. He didn't enter government service for all his life but devoted himself to his studies out of office. Although the king appointed him to provincial governor several times he refused to be an official. 2. He wrote about 200 poems. This paper aims to appreciate his poems as romanticism. He wrote poems in the base of a strong discontent with social phenomena of those days but he didn't describe the evil practices realistically. He only attempt to rise above the discontented reality. He was an idealist rather than a realist, which led him to write Romantic poems. 3. He loved the Mt. Jiri more than any other man. Mt. Jiri was described in his poems as a huge pillar supporting heaven. he had a desire to take after the Mt. Jiri. Mt. Jiri. was the objective correlative with his Romantic ideal.

The culmination of the culture in the Josun Dynasty was reached in the academic achievement of Sik Jo (pen name, Nammyung : 1501 - 1572). His work marked a moral boundary in academia at that time. When we consider his great fame, it was natural many scholars and his followers make him their scholastic and behavioral model. These followers formed the Nammyung School and they took active parts in politics in and out of government service until King Sunjo and Gwanghaegoon. But the execution of Inhong Jung (pen name, Rae-Am : 1536-1623), leader of the Nammyung School and mentor of Gwanghaegoon, served as a momentum for decentralizing the school at the time of The Enthronement of King Injo subsequent to dethronement of King Gwanghasgoon in 1623. Hongdo Ha (pen name, Gyumjae) then acted on behalf of the school when the school had lost its cohesion. The year 1728 witnessed the Moosin Year Disturbance led by Heeryang Jung, which was one of the loud cries raised by confucian scholars to regain the positions they had held before the Enthronement of King Injo. Moreover the Noron Party. the group of followers of Siyul Soug and also the party in power, forced the Namin Party, another party in this area, to support it, while it prohibited the Namins from taking any state examinations by law after the Moosin Year Disturbance had been subdued. The Noron Party designed to attract the Namin Party to their side by disturbing its cooperation with the Soron Party, the followers of Jung Yoon, a disciple of Siyul Song's. With the Noron Party's intricately planned policies and efforts, most pepole in the Namin Party in this area became part of the Toegye School in the end. This paved the way for combining the right side and the left side of the Nakdong River as a natural result. There were few eminent scholars or government officials in high positions from the right side of the Nakdong River. In the meantime many scholars had come to stand by either the Noron Party or the Toegye Schoo. But the majority of Confucian scholars' respect for Nammyung had not faded away and his books were still being published. King Jungjo finally granted Nammyung a Royal Oration for the Sacrificial Rite in 1796 and conferred government positions on his descendants after over a century of persecution. The royal edict triggered the revival of the scholastic trend in this area and built a promising foundation for thriving academic achievement in the 19th ecntury.

This study examins the prestigious scholarship genealogy and trend of scholars who lived in the right side of Kyungsang province in the 19th century. In the right side region of Kyungsang province in 19th century, Lee Jin Sang(李震相) and Kwak Jong Seok(郭鐘錫) overtured the theory that the mind(心) is just Li(理). The theory criticized an old theory that the mind includes Li and Ki(氣) or the theory that the mind is just Ki. The theory is unique on the basic understanding that the mind is ruling Li and put an emphasis on the reality of the mind. The theory is for the quest of an answer in the Ki-centered theory(主氣說) which dominated the period. In the later half of 186, the right side region of Kyungsang province accommodated many other theories from another regions. First of all, Huh Jeon who is from Pocheon Kyunggi province promoted the scholarship trend of right side of Kyungsang province and the studies of etiquette. In addition to that the Li-centered theory(主理說) which was suggested by Ki Jeong Jin from Jeol la province was actively accepted. The scholars from right side region of Kyungsang province also accepted Lee Hang Lo's Li centered theory. Thereby the scholars who lived in the right side of Kyungsang province united themselves setting them free from Confucian party oriented mind or scholarship genealogy. The scholars who live in the right side of Kyungsang province held many seminars. And they also held Hyangeumjurye(鄕飮酒禮 : banquet for identifying young and old). In Sancheong. 1877, seminar and banquet were the example in case. By taking this opportunity, the scholarship trend of promoting Nam Myeong(南冥 : representative Confucian scholar) vividly revived. Also by taking the chance, the scholars who lived in the right side of Kyungsang province newly established their theory and set to put their best effort to promote and research the meaning of Nam Myeong' philosophy. In te following year, they held seminar at Seon Seok temple(禪石寺) in Seong Ju. The meeting also has an important meaning to unite the scholars who live at the right side of Kyungsang province. The seminar and scholar's activity at the right side region of Kyungsang province in the 19th century has greatly contributed to the confucian independent movement by uniting representative of confucian scholars all through the nation in 1919.

The 16th century was a epoch-making time in the intellectual history of Korea because of the appearance of two greatest scholars, Nammyeong(南冥) Jo Sik(曺植) and T'oegye(退溪) Yi Hwang(李滉) who were leaders for the direction from the time forward in the intellectrual history of Korea. The difference of academic thinkings and political ideas between them clearly exposed at the beginning was one of the origins of the prosperity from 16th to 17th century in our intellectual history as their disciples were founding principal schools. On the other hand, it also brought about such serious matters as the start of confrontations and discordances between two leading schools. As Nammyeonghakpa(南冥學派) went on disorganization as a school after 17th century as well as downfall in the political world, it had been intensively under political oppression other than T'oegyehakpa(退溪學派) even in the political position similar to it within the political world. But, the negative understandings and evaluations of Nammyeonghak(南冥學) or Nammyeonghakpa in the next generation had virtually started from the discordance and conflict with T'oegye in academic thoughts and political ideas. Yi Hwang who considered as his own duty to restore the soˇngnihak(性理學) because of his awareness of the time being as a corruption conflicted undoubtedly with Nammyeong and his school, by bringing up the dispute of deviation from soˇngnihak's orthodoxy in the academic thinkings of Jo Sik made a difference with him. It also meaned the open of harsh criticism or denial against Nammyeonghak and its school. Such criticisms or negative opinions for Nammyeonghak grew in place after the severe criticisms for Chong Yinhong(鄭仁弘) who was a follower of Jo Sik. The typical critic was the Noronpa(老論派) of soyin(西人) from Yulgok(栗谷) Yi I(李珥) to Taekdang(澤堂) Yi Sik(李植). Especially Yi Sik among them tried to build the foundation of political justification by giving a criticism for Nammyeonghakpa including Chong Yinhong. Along with it, he also tried to give a harsh criticism in a full scale against Nammyeonghak through his large number of writings. After the members of Noronpa of Soyin were influenced by or followed his critical opinions, it ended up to the peak of criticism in the line of Nong'am(農巖) Kim Changhyup(金昌協) and his disciples. Kim Changhyup took a strongly critical and negative position other than Song Siyeol(宋時烈), his master, had a flexible position against Nammyeong. In the end, his negative opinions spreaded out and developed into an intensive criticism in the line of Chong'am (正庵) Yi Hyeon'ik(李顯益) who was his loyal disciple. However, in spite of the harsh journey of Nammyeonghak which had been denied even the worth for its being in history, it came to be a comeback because of its revaluation movement by the scholars of Kyeong sang Namdo(慶尙南道) province in 19th century. As it was in the 19th century of the crisis era, a group of scholars in the province started the revaluation movement of Nammyeonghak and its actual values. The movement was growing much more and continued steady to 20th century. Those flows of Nammyeonghak in the intellectual history of Korea became one of the principal reasons of understanding newly of the merit of Nammyeonghak and its reappearance. In brief, still within such continuous circumstances in crisis up to now, we started to revaluate the worth for Nammyeonghak's being as the valid thought even in our times.

The most influential figure, both in political and academical terms, in the period of the latter half of and the entire run of King SunJo's and GwangHaeGoon's respective regimes, was the Head of the Northern Faction at the time, RaeAhm Jung In-Hong. He was renowned as the most prominent figure of the Northern Faction during GwangHaeGoon's regime for his distinctive records of political actions and services, which included his taking initiatives back in the ImJin war crisis, his social background in the GyungSang WooDo area, his legitimate status in the academic society granted by his being one of Joe, Sik's disciples, and his unwavering loyalty for the King GwangHaeGoon. But his radical, straightforward attitude and political perspectives forced the opposing political parties to stand against him. He also promoted the cherishing project for his mentor Joe, Sik in a great hurry, which was also against the general consensus and wishes of the scholars. Hence, he became the primary target of the leaders of the revolution which had InJo as the new King, and was executed in the aftermath eventually. There were indeed some redeeming qualities in his life. He firmly maintained his principles of being loyal to the country, to the King, and to his mentor, although he had probably gone too far when he criticised TwaeGwae Lee, Hwang, or when he excessively insisted the executions of the convicted traitors to the country, in the process. Yet it is true that there have been too much of negative sentimentality and too many criticisms against him, which was in part actually engineered by the opposing Western Faction politicians at the time, who generally named him a rogue traitor. What was true, however, was htat he had also demonstrated certain personal principles and outright determination to stick to that principles throughout his entire life, which was also a typical trait for the Chosun SanRim scholars. More rational and reasonable evaluations of the character would be recommendable in the futrue. Efforts like that might also be instrumental in defining the political and academical position the Northern Wing personnels deserved to occupy in the history of the Chosun dynasty.

Dong-gang Kim, U-ong (1540-1603) who was born in Sung-ju, Kyungsang-bukdo, studied under the guidance of Namm-yung Jo, sik as well as Toe-gye Yi, whang. However, as he himself professed, his main influence was from Mam-myung, for he often attended his seminars for Chinese Classics from the age of 24 to 33, before he went into politics. He complied and wrote Nam-myung's Lessons and Anecdotes(言行錄), and Biography(行狀), which attested to his status as the foremost disciple of the Nam-myung school. Before attending Nam-myung's lectures, Kim, U-ong was well acquainted through his father with the study of Kyung(敬), the cultivation of self as the center of the universe, and also had the Confucianist principle of employing himself in politics(出處). He advanced these studies under Nam-myung's instruction. He received a bell called Sungsung-za(惺惺子), which Nam-myung had always carried with himself as a reminder of constant awakening, and established the discipline and the practice of the study of his own mind. All of these experiences became an important qualification in the field of politics, and he clearly showed this discipline in deciding when he should go into or out of a political world, accept or decline government services. His study of Kyong, which was consistent in his achievements, characteristically put an emphasis on the study that preserves the clarity of mind, and it was a succession to Nam-myung's study of mind. It also was a little different from the study of Kyung conducted by Toe-gye school, in that Toe-gye focused on the maintenance of reverent and cautious state of mind. Kim, U-ong read books in neo-Confucianism, such as The Reflections on Things at Hands(近思綠), as well as Ju-hi's Epistle Anthology(朱書節要) edited by Yi, whang. On the basis of his interpretation of neo-Confucianism, he developed his own unique perspective in seminars of Chinese classics at the royal palace, and won a reputation as one of the best scholars of the time. Especially, his theory on the right and the wrong(辨異端) differed from that of Nam-myung, and it showed that he was influenced rather by Toe-gye. In conclusion, U-ong Kim established his own philosophical perspective through harmoniously integrating both Nam-myung's view and Toe-gye's.

Jeong On was one of the Korean political leaders in the 17th century. He was born at An-eum town in Gyeong-sang Province and at the age of 31 joined the school of Jeong In-hong who was the top student of Jo Sig. Therefore he belonged to the Northern Party which generally consisted of the politicians who were either from the western region of Gyeong-sang Province or Jo Sig's students. Jeong's political activities were the consistent reification of the principle of Neo-confucianism in which he believed. For example, protection the princes in the political cricis, he suffered from the 10 years' exile. When Ching invaded Joseon, he insisted on resisting the invaders to the bitter end. After the king's surrender he went into lonely retirement and never returned to the capital. He emphasized the political initiative of government officials rather than the king's power. And he suggested a theory according to which political parties could cooperate in the government. This is why he remained unforgettable despite his party's collapse with the downfall of King Gwanghae. Jeong was a conservative. It means that he tried to maintain the established social order and Neo-confucian principles. For these ideological reasons, he opposed the land survey which was necessary for the renewal of the national administrative system but might have charged the land-owning class some additional burden. He also opposed the policy of promoting the descendants of secondary wives to pass the official examination or to obtain the goverment office. He thus wanted to keep the discriminative social order.

Gansong is a great scholar in Choson dynasty middleages. He was born in Haman county Kyungsang province depend in Nammyung school. However, He was educaded by three scholars belong to Tygae school from young age. Because his learning and personality was influenced from them strongly. especially from Yuheon. But he cannot help belonging to Nammyung school, for many Nammyung's disciple have resided in his hometown Haman and his wife's hometown moreover Nammyung's hometown Samga. Besides his father-in-law Nopa was the disciple of Nammyung's disciple Junginhong and he had be the chairman of Yongyam memorial hause. Though Gansong became a member of Nammyung school, he never has seceded from Tygae school. He has always play active part as both a member of Nammyung school and a member of Tygae school. Consequently his association span was very wide, and he made the best use of these circumstances. He has strained every nerve to mediate two schools. He was well-balanced scholar, so he has supported neither Nammyung school nor Tygac school. He adopted the good points of two schools and developed himself, became new own personality. Therefore he never have abtained a post in the government keeping his integrity. Though he has lived at seclusion, he has never forgotten nation and people. This point was influenced by Nammyung school. He has wirtten many prosees and poets, this point was influenced by Tygae school. His successors have regarded him as a member of Tygae school in order to uplit him. But this is not true. It is clear that he is both a member of Nammyung school and a member of Tygae school. His poet is very excellent, so deserves minutely study. If so, we can grasp him more crosely.

My aim in this paper is to argue that the concept of Kyum(謙) of Ha Hongdo(河弘度, a pen name: Gyunjae(謙齋). 1593 - 1666) played a crucial role in the history of Neo-Confucianism in East Asia. To do this, first, I shall argue that Gyumjae, followed and sticked to, the concept of Gyungyi(敬義) of Chosik(曺稙, a pen name: Nammyung(南冥), 1501-1572), and he, on the basis of this concept, established his unique concept of Gyungyi. This new concept is well shown in his Gyumgoedo(謙卦圖, Diagrams of a Trigram) that is grounded in Chu(the Book of Changes): He had this Gyumgoedo completed at the age of 48, which he had sincerly followed the Chosik's concept, In so doing, I will also argue that Hongdo Ha regarded Gyumgoedo, among other Trigrams, as the most important virtue that Gunja ought to obey: It seems that the reason why he was not engaged in politics naming his pen mane, Gyumjae, is based on this sort of his value. Second, I will strongly argue that from the New-Confucian historical point of view, Hongdo Ha, like Chosik, must be considered as a typical Chu Hsi's student: In this respect, Gyumjae, throughout his life, did the same as his mentor, Chosik, did, such as not engaging in politics, living in retirement from actively liberal life, focusing on cultivation his internal virtues. On the basis of Kyumjae's philosophical thinking that holds that people should suppress their desires and pursue Kyum as quite and internal value, it is possible to say that we are in need of reinterpreting and reevaluation intellectuals of Chosun, who sought silent and internal value. Finally, I will conclude that Kyum that needs to be reevaluated and illuminated is unique in the history of modern thought in East Asia. Although our interest and discussion about Kyunjae's thinking that was covered as simple local study just started this movement to try to restore the intellectual history of Chosun is to provide invaluable information.