이 논문은 전지구적으로 우리의 삶을 마이크로-파시스트적으로 통제하는 통합된 세계 자본주의의 현상에 대항하는 방법으로서 펠릭스 가라티가 내놓은 분자 혁명의 의의를 탐구한다. 통합된 세계 자본주의(IWC)는 우리의 삶과 생활양 식을 파이크로-파시스트적 차원에서 우리로 하여금 이웃을 경계하고 자본주의의 또 다른 산물인 핵가족의 양태로 자기-중심적 욕망에 사로잡혀 진정한 나와 타자의 관계를 잃게 하여 정체성에 혼란을 주고 자아가 분열되게 하는, 소위 정신분열적 현상을 낳는다. 가타리는 이런 전지구적 자본주의의 횡포에 대항하는 기제로 분자 혁명을 내세워서, 주체가 정신분열적 현상이 가지는 자기-초월적 모멘트를 긍정적 에너지로 바꾸는 분열분석적 자세로 압제적인 전지구적 현상에 대처하기를 권고한다. 분자 혁명은 주체가 자신의 영역을 넘어서 타자와 함께 어우르는 양태를 지향하여서, 저항에 있어서도 개체가 아니라 집합소들의 형태로 대응하여, 한 개인의 제한적 생각보다 서로가 공동으로 처한 정치 사회경 제적 환경에 공동으로 대처하기를 제안한다. 가타리의 분자 혁명은 마이크로-정치적 차원에서까지 우리의 생각과 생활양식을 통제하는 통합된 세계 자본주의의 횡포에 자본주의의적 개인의식을 초월하여 창조적으로 우리의 정치문화경제적 환경에 대응하게 하는 효율적 대응전략으로 드러난다.

The study is on the analysis of Adalberto Libera's works, which are those of the competition works for international congress hall in 'E42'. I exerted a conclusion from analysis and studies of congress palace as well as informed data about architect Libera and uninformed original sketch of it. 1. Through analysis of original sketch data in possession of archives of paris Centre Pompidue and relevant sketch from the works, Libera adopts the modern architecture of Italy to the formalization process of concept as one of architectural methods. 2.In contrast to the way of elucidation of historicity of classicism architect, Libera's initial sketch is one of the traits from modernist's architectural concept process. Libera completes his architectural style to have developed new architecture vocabulary from 'Floating transparent box' which was result from intuition and imagination. 3. By comparing all the first plan, the second plan and constructed project, we can infer that Libera's plan was influenced by E42's classicism urban environment and masterplanner Piacentini. In addition, through historicity explanation method of modernist, it is adjudicated that the front side of facade with classism and the back side of facade with modern are partially accepted. 4. By analysing architectural concept's formalization process from original sketch of Congress palace, outstanding architect of Italian Fascism architecture, it provided new methods of architectural programming with the concrete examples.

However hard a poet may cry out 'art for art's sake', art works are likely to be evaluated by the political surroundings: a poet is very likely to represent the class he belongs to and to react to the political situation through his own works. A poet who suffers from the turmoil of the transitional period can be a victim of the period in the sense that he can be evaluated irrespective of the real value of his works. This paper is motivated by our current social phenomena that the fanatical nationalism to evacuate the past is also applied to the work of reevaluating writers of the past as well as of the present; interestingly, the same situation happened to Yeats. This paper starts with some hypothesis that the primary reason for the lower reevaluation of Yeats since the birth of Free State until its rebirth as a member of E.U. is that he belonged to the Anglo-Irish Ascendancy. And then this paper investigates identity and contribution of the Anglo-Irish to Irish history. And finally this paper tries to find out how Yeats reacted to the radical change of hegemony especially after Responsibilities. The investigation into his poems leads us to the conviction that in his first stage, he wanted to surrender his half-blooded Englishness to his another half-blooded Irishness. This explains why he tried to dig up the ancient Gaelic culture and to advocate the Gaelic Catholic in his first stage. However we can witness his changing attitude after the Easter Rising: some threat from the majority Catholic fanaticism awakened Yeats's self-recognition as an Anglo-Irish, advocating their class and culture in his poems since Responsibilities. It follows that although Yeats wanted to be an artist for art as such, he could not but seek for reconciliation of two aspects of Ireland, -that is, its religion and ethnicity. Yeats's poetry reflects the shift in the political hegemony and the definition of the Irish identity. My conclusion is as follows. The main reason Yeats's evaluation was going down during the period Ireland was being established as a republic country is that he belonged to the Anglo-Irish Ascendancy, the past power group. Through Yeats's poems we can witness the decline and agony of the Anglo-Irish during the birth of Republic of Ireland. Therefore the historical contribution of the Anglo-Irish is to be reevaluated; Yeats's Literary Revival is also referred to as "a cracked mirror of the servant". By reading again Yeats's poems from the new perspective towards Yeats as an Anglo-Irish, we can see that Yeats's advocacy of the Anglo-Irish was made only after he was threatened by the fanatical Catholic nationalism and that he adhered to the reconciliation of the divided Ireland throughout his life. Meanwhile, this study leads to another question: Is it possible that the art is free from the political pressure or turmoil? In my opinion, although art is not free from that situation, it can only survive when it shines in the filthy tide, searching for the independence and freedom. I think W.B. Yeats is an example.

파시즘에 대한 서적 에서 엘리엇은 이탈리아의 파시즘에 관한 동시 대의 저작들에 대한 간략한 서평의 범위를 넘어서서, 자유민주주의와 공산주의에 대한 대안으로 부상하고 있던 이 정치적 운동에 대한 정밀 한 진단과 예리한 비판을 하고 있다. 이 서평에서 명백히 드러나고 있 는 파시즘에 대한 엘리엇의 비판적인 태도는 그가 내심 어느 정도는 파 시즘의 동조자였다는 엘리엇 연구에서 여전히 유령처럼 떠돌고 있는 의 심에 찬 목소리를 논박할 수 있는 확고한 증거를 제공한다. 엘리엇이 이 서평을 발표한 1928년까지만 하더라도 파시즘의 광기 어린 극우 이 데올로기의 실체가 본격적으로 드러나기 전인 점을 고려하면, 일관된 정치 철학이나 체계화된 강령도 없이 대중의 심리를 조작하고 권모술수 와 폭력을 통해 권력을 장악한 파시스트 정권에 대한 엘리엇의 통찰력 있는 분석은 선구적인 측면이 있다. 파시즘을 비판하는 과정에서 엘리 엇은 정치적으로 중립적인 자세를 취하기보다는 왕당파이자 국교도라는 자신의 정체성을 당당히 밝히고 있을 뿐만 아니라, 반동적 보수주의라 는 자신의 당파성을 바탕으로 하여 유사한 극우 이데올로기인 파시즘의 문제점들을 정밀히 검토하고 있다.