The constitution of the Republic of Korea clearly states the separation of church and state. While pure religious action should be separated from politics, Koreans with religion have some duties and rights based on the fact that religious people also are members of the Korean nation and society. This article aims to describe an aspect of the relationship between politics and religions with a special attention to Christianity. First of all, Christianity of Catholic and Protestant played a great role in the building of the Republic of Korea. After the World War Ⅱ, other religions in Korea did not support liberal democracy. Also they had a very ambiguous attitude toward democracy. Some of them accepted even communism. In the ideological chaos, Christianity clearly counted as one of the important anticommunistic groups. At this point, Christianity should be considered as one of great contributors to the nation buildings of the South Korea. This close relationship of Christianity and anticommunism has been maintained from the World War Ⅱ to the present day. However, several presidents of Korea became dictators in the name of anticommunism so that many liberal Christians have protested against authoritarian government as well as anticommunism which became a hated word in Korean liberal society. Many struggles between governments and liberal Christians had been appeared in other areas such as industrial problems, rural society, as well as environment. Recently, many Buddhists has been strongly involved in such agendas of liberal Christianity. During transition from industrialization to democratization in South Korea, this nation has tried to find out a national identity and the Korean government have supported traditional religions such as Buddhism under the title of support of traditional and national culture. This support from government has been appeared in the area of culture, tourism and education. At this point, traditional and national religions of the South Korea have received a lot of financial aid from government.

본 연구는 초등학교 5학년 4개 반을 대상으로 온라인게임 '군주'를 활용하여 10주 동안 정치수업을 진행하였다. 수업은 현직 교사 4명이 진행하였으며, 이를 위해 교사들은 수업이 시행되기 전 연구자와 함께 초등학교 교과과정 및 대상게임을 분석하여 교과과정을 구성하였다. 수업의 효과성을 검증하기 위해 수업에 참여한 학생을 대상으로 효능감과 흥미도 및 대표를 선출할 때 주로 고려하는 요인에 대한 설문조사를 실시하였다. 더불어 참여교사와 학생들을 대상으로 인터뷰 실시하고 및 소감문을 수집하여 수업에 대한 의견을 수집하였다. 그 결과 학생의 정치활동에 대한 효능감은 통계적으로 유의미하게 증가하였다. 반면, 흥미도의 경우, 응답의 평균은 증가하였지만 통계적으로 유의미성을 보이지는 않았다. 또한, 선거활동에서 대표자를 선출하는 기준의 변화를 측정해 본 결과 학생들은 온라인 선거에서 대표자의 내적요소를 일반 반장선거에 비해 중시하였으며 수업에 참여한 학생들이 일반 학생들에 비해 내적요소를 더욱 중시하였다.

This study explores the curial politics of culture and music in the early German Democratic Republic as well as the conflicts between politics and music triggered by the opera Lukullus. Die Verurteilung des Lukullus of Paul Dessau and Bertolt Brecht became an issue, and its musical, aesthetical, and political aspects were debated in East Germany. Dessau’s music was considered as formalistic even prior to its première and endured cultural-political attacks from German officials. The formalist music was regarded as antithesis of Social realist music in the Soviet block, because formalism did not include classical and traditional musical elements and popularity. Lukullus-debate exemplified the unavoidable relationship between cultural-political context in the East German and its music.

Dong-gang Kim, U-ong (1540-1603) who was born in Sung-ju, Kyungsang-bukdo, studied under the guidance of Namm-yung Jo, sik as well as Toe-gye Yi, whang. However, as he himself professed, his main influence was from Mam-myung, for he often attended his seminars for Chinese Classics from the age of 24 to 33, before he went into politics. He complied and wrote Nam-myung's Lessons and Anecdotes(言行錄), and Biography(行狀), which attested to his status as the foremost disciple of the Nam-myung school. Before attending Nam-myung's lectures, Kim, U-ong was well acquainted through his father with the study of Kyung(敬), the cultivation of self as the center of the universe, and also had the Confucianist principle of employing himself in politics(出處). He advanced these studies under Nam-myung's instruction. He received a bell called Sungsung-za(惺惺子), which Nam-myung had always carried with himself as a reminder of constant awakening, and established the discipline and the practice of the study of his own mind. All of these experiences became an important qualification in the field of politics, and he clearly showed this discipline in deciding when he should go into or out of a political world, accept or decline government services. His study of Kyong, which was consistent in his achievements, characteristically put an emphasis on the study that preserves the clarity of mind, and it was a succession to Nam-myung's study of mind. It also was a little different from the study of Kyung conducted by Toe-gye school, in that Toe-gye focused on the maintenance of reverent and cautious state of mind. Kim, U-ong read books in neo-Confucianism, such as The Reflections on Things at Hands(近思綠), as well as Ju-hi's Epistle Anthology(朱書節要) edited by Yi, whang. On the basis of his interpretation of neo-Confucianism, he developed his own unique perspective in seminars of Chinese classics at the royal palace, and won a reputation as one of the best scholars of the time. Especially, his theory on the right and the wrong(辨異端) differed from that of Nam-myung, and it showed that he was influenced rather by Toe-gye. In conclusion, U-ong Kim established his own philosophical perspective through harmoniously integrating both Nam-myung's view and Toe-gye's.