The cognitive attitude verb KNOW in most languages typically selects for a factive complement (Kiparsky and Kiparsky 1970). It is noted in the literature (Lee 1978, 1999; Kiefer 1978, Őzyildiz 2017, a.o.), however, that KNOW in some languages may take various forms of complements and that factivity varies depending on the complement types. An obvious generalization made is that nominalized complements tend to convey a factive reading, while non-nominal ones tend not to (Kastner 2015). This work makes it clear that for a clause selected by KNOW to have a factive reading, it not only bears a nominal feature but also carries a structural case. This paper additionally points out the following three issues and discusses their theoretical implications as to the syntax and semantics of attitudinal predicate constructions: (i) Cognitive attitude verbs may simultaneously take a nominalized clause and a predicational clause; (ii) The non-factive KNOW in the three languages commonly displays neg-raising and naturally anti-rogativity, siding with doxastic (belief) verbs; (iii) Lexically negated forms of these verbs select only for a nominalized (factive) clause.

The purpose of this study is to posit a principled explanation for the cross-linguistic puzzling phenomena of V-v-to-T and T-to-C movements found in English and French. For the explanation, Duality of interpretive properties and Phase Head are operated for the Agree valuation within the phase instead of the features of [Weak] and [Strong], admitting the next phase evaluation of look-ahead. For the further operations of verb (V)-movements, Chomsky's (2013, 2014) minimal search labeling algorithm (LA) interpreted in Interface and Matushansky’s (2006) DM are adopted and slightly modified. Namely, headhead shared features as the label and m-merger for morphological processes are used in narrow syntax and interpreted in Interface. And Present Form as in -s, Past Form as in -ed, Modal Form such as can or do, Perfect Form have-ed, Progressive Form be-ing, and Passive Form be-ed are suggested to be merged in the v like causative make on the ground of slightly fixed Bare Approach. As a result, the Head Movement Constraint (HMC), do-support and affix-lowering are addressed without violating Extension Condition (EC) and c-command.

본 연구는 한국어 교육에서 현재 체계적으로 다루어지고 있 지 않은 불완전용언을 목록화하고 교수 학습 방안을 마련하는 데 목적이 있다. 이를 위해 한국 교육 대상 불완전용언을 선정하여 한국어 교재와 사전에서 이것이 어떻게 제시되고 있는 지를 분석하였다. 다 음으로 불완전용언을 제약의 유형별로 구분하여 제시해야 함을 논의 하였다. 또한 한국어 교재 및 사전에서 구체적 활용 형태를 밝히는 것이 효과적인 불완전용언 교수 학습을 위해 반드시 필요함을 강조하였 다.

Crosslinguistically, basic motion verbs similar to the English go and come have been shown to be highly susceptible to grammaticalization. However, there has been relatively little emphasis in previous research on the grammaticalization of the English motion verb come. This paper attempts to redress some of the balance by investigating the grammaticalization of come, with particular emphasis on its occurrence in Serial Verb Constructions. The major aim is to provide a detailed account of how the semantic change undergone by come in such contexts is effected by a number of diverse mechanisms, including metaphor, metonymy and subjectification. In addition, certain functional properties of the grammaticalized come will be discussed, along with certain morphosyntactic changes that occur by way of reanalysis. The result of this analysis should demonstrate that come in its serialized form has undergone extensive grammaticalization, shifting from a fully lexical verb to a functional item in its semantic, categorial and morphosyntactic aspects.

The aim of the paper is to examine the Korean ditransitive verb juda and deulida in terms of lexical aspect. Even though it is considered to be one of the inherent properties of verbs, the lexical aspect of a verb can be changed according to features of arguments and thematic relations of arguments in the sentence. The verb juda can function as achievement aspect, active achievement aspect or accomplishment aspect depending on the [±concrete]-feature of a direct object and the semantic role of an indirect object. The verb deulida, which is the honorific form of the verb juda, connotes the lexical aspect of achievement, accomplishment and active achievement according to the feature of a direct object.

The paper aims to explore the class of the English light verb give, as in She gave a sigh. Drawing on the standard and novel arguments and evidence, it is argued that the class is internally complex, assuming a structured cline. This cline is primarily divided into so-called true light verb and vague action verb types, each of which is further separated into two subtypes. These are GIVE A SIGH, GIVE X A KISS, GIVE X ADVICE, and GIVE X A DESCRIPTION (OF Y). The paper also offers a supplementary analysis of the two subtypes of the vague action verb, using the hybrid model of lexical conceptual structure and syntactic argument structure.

There have been many linguists who studied Korean two-full-verb constructions. Some of them found an apparently meaningful similarity between these constructions in Korean and other serializing languages with respect to tense sharing and argument sharing and proposed serial verb constructions (SVC) in Korean. However, there are several phenomena which cannot be accounted for within the SVC framework, and one of the important properties of the SVC―the unaccusative second verb which takes the object of V1 as its subject―does not exist in Korean. In this paper we analyze the so-called SVCs into compound verb constructions (CVC) and covert coordination constructions (CCC) which already exist in Korean syntax. We also propose adequate structures for them without introducing a new structure to an already existing system. Based on this structural analysis, we not only explain the problems that the previous analysis could not solve but also provide further evidence for our non-serializing approach.

Korean is known to have a special form of coordination, verb-less coordination (VLC), in which the preceding conjunct(s) may allow a shared verb, and possibly other related elements, not to be pronounced as the name of the construction indicates. In this study, we will try to analyze the data showing vehicle change effects with focus on a particular verbal ending -nuntey. As -nuntey is a kind of connective verbal ending in Korean, i.e. a subordinate conjunction, we will claim that the data in question have a common structure that contains verb-less coordination within subordination.

This paper attempts to offer a plausible syntactic structure of the complement of the perception verb po- 'see' from Korean and English. The core of the proposals is that the perception verb complement is an incomplete clause, lower than TP and higher than vP, which is syntactically realized as an Event Phrase, and that this EventP contains a Voice Phrase. It is also suggested that the EventP involves an event operator, which is then controlled by the event argument assigned by the matrix perception verb, thereby accounting for the fact that the event time is simultaneous with the perception time. It will be shown that the current proposals can well account for various syntactic and semantic properties of the perception verb complements.

This article is a diachronic study of different constructions involving the verb DARE from Old English (OE) to Modern English (ModE). With regard to the Late ModE (lModE) change, this paper examines the Corpus of Historical American English (COHA) covering 1810 to 2009. It is found that the general tendency is a decline of the frequency of DARE in terms of both the modal auxiliary and the main (lexical) verb uses in American English. However, the frequency of the auxiliary use, contra Taeymans (2004), has more rapidly decreased, while that of the main verb use has less drastically dropped. The blend constructions have had a low frequency throughout the past 200 years. Yet, the inflected blends(e.g. dared, dares) showed gradual decrease of frequency, whereas the DO-support blends did not. This study also examines historical changes from OE to Early ModE (eModE). It is found that lexical and modal properties coexisted from OE to Early Middle English (eME), the modal ones climaxing during the eME period. This paper argues that the grammaticalization from lexical to modal was triggered before the OE period and thereafter until eME is the period of gradual extension. From the lME period lexical properties increasingly occurred, which led Beths (1999) and Taeymans (2004) to argue for degrammaticalization. This paper accounts for the same phenomenon in terms of renewal, a natural process in grammaticalization. There are lME evidences showing phonological and semantic reductions of DARE, which necessitated a renewal of DARE. This study, moreover, shows that the words of the same category can follow different paths of change with time.