Background: The potential impact of aqueous extracts from Psidium guajava leaves on the reproductive system of female rabbits was evaluated. Methods: Twenty-eight rabbits, aged five to six months were utilized. Rabbits were divided into four groups and were randomly assigned to receive one of the following oral doses of the guava leaf extracts: 0 (control group), 10, 20, or 30 mg/kg of body weight. After a treatment period of 30 days, blood was collected via jugular venipunture and the serum was extracted for the assessment of serum biochemical traits levels. The females were bred and monitored throughout their pregnancy to ascertain reproductive outcomes. Results: The results indicated that the guava leaf extract significantly increased the body weight of the rabbits during both pre- and post-pregnancy compared to the control group (p < 0.05). The litter size at three weeks post-birth, prolificity rate, FSH, LH, and protein levels were notably higher (p < 0.05) at a dose of 20 mg/kg of body weight. The viability rate three weeks post-birth increased with escalating extract doses, and the highest values were observed at doses of 20 and 30 mg/kg of body weight (p < 0.05). Conclusions: This study demonstrated that, the aqueous extract of guava leaves appears to stimulate the production of FSH, LH and enhance body weight, prolificity, and pregnancy outcomes in mammals. As such, it is suggested that a dose of 20 mg/kg body weight could be beneficial in improving the reproductive performance of female.
On January 4, 2020, the official Twitter account of the former US President Trump threatens to target Iran’s cultural heritage sites conditioned on any Iranian retaliation on US military forces then stationed in the Middle East. The immediate context was that the US-led drone strike had killed Iran’s Major General Qasem Soleimani in Iraq (Baghdad) only two days prior. This study critically analyzes whether “Tweets” uploaded to President Trump’s Twitter account could reasonably be construed as a type of harm against international law instruments and framework on the safeguarding of cultural heritage. This paper provides a brief contextual overview of President Trump’s Tweets; traces the historical destruction of cultural property during conflicts and discusses the preservation of heritage; delineates international laws and assesses whether President Trump and the US might be legally bound to refrain from threats to destroy cultural property; and examines the increasing role of social media in the evolution of the idea of diplomacy.
This paper aims to examine the progressive development process of the ASEAN under the UN 2030 Agenda for sustainable development. As of 2022, the ASEAN Member States have a total population of 622 million people and a combined GDP of USD 3.2 trillion. The ASEAN’s main focus is integration by connectivity which has been facilitated by “the ASEAN Way.” The ASEAN connectivity was upgraded into a single community through the ASEAN Vision 2020 comprehensively formalized by the Bali Concord II in 2003. The ASEAN has been geographically expanding towards Northeast Asia (ASEN+3) and then Oceania with India (ASEAN+6). It was also connected to the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) which is the biggest mega FTA in the contemporary world. With the Vision 2025, furthermore, the ASEAN Community reset its direction to sustainable development goals which are the main objective to attain for the Association under the Master Plan 2025.
The War on Terror launched by the US against Islamic terrorist groups persisted through the Bush-Obama-Trump administrations for nearly 20 years before President Biden completely withdrew the US forces from Afghanistan by the end of August 2021. These military interventions are noticeable examples of American unilateralism in the Middle East. The War on Terror has been severely criticized by the global community as military actions without just cause and lacking grounds under international law. This research aims to critically evaluate the War on Terror in terms of legal and political theories of war now that twenty years of American unilateralism in the Middle East is over. In this article, the author examines other underlying reasons for, and the outcomes of, the war against terrorist groups. He will also suggest peaceful means to fundamentally resolve the Middle East conflict with a view to preventing war in other world regions.
Pantala flavescens is a dominant Odonata species in the rice fields in Korea. To determine the effects of different temperatures on its larval growth and emergence, field and laboratory experiments were conducted. Larval growth was also monitored in mono-cropping and double-cropping rice fields. The growth of larvae was monitored every week by measuring the head width. In the field experiment, no difference was found in larval growth and emergence between the control temperature and +1.9°C of the control temperature. The larval growth was greater at 23°C than at 20°C laboratory temperatures, and no emergence was recorded at either temperature after eight weeks of monitoring. There was a quadratic relationship between larval growth and temperature in an incubator at five temperature regimes of 15, 20, 25, 30, and 35°C. Midseason water drainage caused the extinction of the existing individuals and newly hatched larvae dominated after re-watering in the rice fields. Larval size was greater in double-cropping fields than in mono-cropping fields in late July but the tendency was reversed in early August. The results of this study suggest that temperature warming will directly promote the larval growth of P. flavescens and indirectly influence seasonal growth via changes in water management in rice fields.
The 2020 US Presidential election is now over. After listening to the essence of Mr. Biden’s inauguration speech, “America is Back!,” people around the world are cautiously expecting the revival of multilateralism. This research is to tackle a fundamental question of: “Is America Back to Multilateralism?,” by focusing on the US’s China trade policy under the Biden presidency. This essay consists of five parts including Introduction and Conclusion. Part two will review the development of postwar multilateralism which constructed the rulebased trade governance. Part three will analyze the challenge and crisis of contemporary multilateralism under former President Trump and the possibility of its resurrection under Biden administration. The author will review the origin and evolution of the US-China trade war. Part four will look into the possibility of reconstructing multilateral world for sustainable development. Part five will conclude the essay predicting the US’s China trade policy under the Biden administration.
Lawyers express their opinions mainly by writing. In particular, legal scholars are obliged to write scholarly papers and publish them. A good lawyer also includes being a good writer. However, it is not easy for young lawyers or law students to write a good, scholarly paper. To be a good writer, they should possess discipline. Nonetheless, there are a few practical guidelines for young lawyers or law students to refer to when they begin writing scholarly articles. The primary purpose of this research is to present the core guidelines of scholarly legal writing-what to consider and what to avoid - for beginners; following the author’s experience of editing globally recognized journals in international law as well as writing and publishing scholarly papers at leading academic law magazines in the world. This research paper contains the meaning of good scholarly legal paper, topic and title, research methodology, writing, referencing, research ethics and publication.
What’s the point of feeling angry about what happened? You just have to make sure we never see that kind of world again-that this [Jeju 4.3 tragedy and the hardships that befell three generations of family members] never happens again.
“For my grandchildren, [please help ensure] that there is no record stating that their grandmother has a criminal history and spent time in prison.”
“The path we have traveled to this point has been a tremendously perilous and difficult [one]. What the 18 of us want is to be acquitted [and to receive an official apology].”
North Korea’s nuclear weapons and missiles are an unprecedented threat to the security of the United States, which has never been attacked by weapons of mass destruction. Pyongyang’s provocations irritated President Trump and led him to openly consider military attacks against North Korea. The possibility of armed conflict between the United States and North Korea increased as both sides exchanged aggressive rhetoric. Military attacks against North Korea are virtually impossible in a legal as well as a practical sense. They will bring only disaster to all involved, including the US. The best way to resolve North Korea’s nuclear issue is to rehabilitate the multilateral channel for dialogue and then begin talks. What if President Trump, however, implemented military options against North Korea because of the nuclear weapons development? The focus of this essay is to explore whether Trump can adopt military options against North Korea and if so, what legal and political considerations he must take.
Emerging Asian markets such as China and India have drawn tremendous attention to marketing and consumer researchers in the past decades (e.g., Cayla & Eckhardt, 2008; Dong & Tian, 2009). The increasing purchasing power of the new middle-class Asian consumers attracted not only global brands but also local brands from the region. Previous studies on Asian consumers found that consumers are actively using Western brands to construct their modern or global identities (e.g., Dong & Tian, 2009). Other studies explored how regional or local brands redefine themselves in both regional and transnational markets (Cayla & Eckhardt, 2008; Wu, Borgerson & Schroeder, 2013).
In this study, we employed a cultural approach (Cayla & Arnould, 2008) to examine how Asian brands mythicize themselves in the global marketplace through various storytelling and myth-making strategies. We compare and contrast the mythology and storytelling strategies (Boje, 1995; Lundqvist, Liljander, Gummerus & van Riel, 2013; Vincent, 2001) employed by three Asian consumer electronic brands, Samsung (South Korea), Sony (Japan), and Xiaomi Technology (China) and report our key findings in the following sections.
In marketing literature, brand is defined as “name, term, design, symbol, or any other feature that identifies one seller’s good or service as distinct from those other sellers” by the American Marketing Association (Keller, 2013, p. 2). In recently years, brands have been viewed as an integral part of contemporary popular culture (Cayla & Arnould, 2008; Hancock, 2009, 2013; Holt, 2004, 2006; Klein, 2001; Moor, 2007). Brands, like other cultural artefacts such as folklore, dance, songs, and costumes, have significant impact on shaping consumers’ everyday lives and influence on how they define their world
The UN Security Council adopted Resolution 2270 against North Korea’s fourth nuclear test on January 6, 2016, and its subsequent rocket launch. This resolution contains tougher sanction measures than any others adopted in the past, but is not expected to effectively stop North Korea’s nuclear weapons program. This essay analyzes the critical loophole of the rule of law in global society regarding nuclear proliferation systems as well as regional governance. It further suggests legal and policy options to resolve this nuclear dilemma. The parties concerned are asked to alter the status quo of hostile co-existence and instead revert to the spirit of the Geneva Agreed Framework.
“The rise of China” is a critical issue of the twenty-first century’s world politics. China is leading the new bipolar system in the post-Cold War period with the US. As the American dominance in East Asia became weaker, the old containment could not be fully implemented anymore. As a result, a new comprehensive strategic initiative covering the whole Pacific coastal States is being adopted. The outcome of this transformation is the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), which was reached on October 5, 2015. This article aims to analyze the newly arisen TPP as a post-Cold War strategic alliance of East Asia. The TPP is a mega regional trade agreement. Its predictable legal setting is thus indispensable for the peaceful coordination of competition between both sides. The TPP could be a firm ground for the stability of this region, sharing the vision of cooperation, not confrontation in the future.
Although relationships among the former belligerent parties of the Korean War have changed drastically over the decades, the parties still remain under the armistice system because the Korean War is not over legally. The primary purpose of this research is to analyze questions related to the Chinese People’s Volunteer Army in the Korean War from an international legal perspective. As a new topic, this is intended to be a precautionary examination of an issue that could haunt the eventual process of peacemaking on the Korean peninsula. The main text of this article consists of three parts. The first examines whether the Chinese People’s Volunteer Army’s entering the Yalu River was self-defense under Article 51 of the UN Charter. The second part covers various legal questions relating to armed hostilities in the Korean War under international law. The third part discusses the legal questions around an armistice negotiation.
The Joint South Korea and United States Jeju 4.3 Task Force on Social Healing Through Justice, proposed here, focuses on potential next steps in view of the strong sense of many that 4.3 reconciliation is "unfinished business." It proposes a creative yet practical way for the United States, South Korea and Jeju people to engage in collaborative 4.3 social healing. Together as Part of the proposed Joint Task Force, they might more fully implement past recommendations and chart and oversee next steps toward comprehensive and enduring social healing “by doing justice." ’This proposal is based on the National Committee’s now-translated Report and the insights of scholars and the work of many of you here, along with others deeply interested in social justice. Those of us not from Jeju, or South Korea, who appreciate your invitation to participate, humbly and respectfully offer this proposal for your consideration with justice in mind.
Healing for the Jeju 4.3 survivors and families progressed significantly after the work of the 2000 National 4.3 Committee and the 2005 Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Acting on these investigatory organizations’ recommendations and the expressed desires of the Jeju people, the Korean government began a healing process that included a presidential apology, a government-sponsored museum and an extensive public memorial and gravesite for known victims—albeit without individual reparations. American and Korean scholars also point to the United States’ partial responsibility for Jeju 4.3 and its lack of participation in redress efforts. Acknowledgment of the United States’ historical role in Jeju 4.3 by the Korean and U.S. governments today may be one of the crucial next steps toward genuine reparatory justice for the Jeju people and for Korean society. It may also bolster U.S. legitimacy globally as a democracy actually (and not just professedly) committed to humanrights.The United States grounds its global moral authority as a democracy in its stated commitment to human rights. But a genuine commitment entails acknowledging and actively repairing the damage caused by its participation in human rights atrocities—even decades ago. Its legitimacy as a democracy depends upon doing so—and after two damaging wars the United States needs to bolster its moral authority internationally. If America under President Obama, with its security pivot toward Asia, is to reclaim full legitimacy as a democracy committed to human rights, if there is to be complete social healing for the Jeju 4.3 survivors and families and for the Korean government and people—if the “han,” the deep sense of suffering from injustice, is to be lightened—then the United States needs to mutually and actively engage in the reconciliation process. The time is now.
On January 21, 2011, the Korean navy commandos rescued the twenty-one crewmen abducted and detained by Somali pirates in the Indian Ocean. The pirates captured alive were brought to Korea for trial and the prosecutor’s office of Pusan sentenced the leader of the Somali pirate group to life-imprisonment. The other four pirates received imprisonment terms from 12 to 15 years. Regardless of these domestic legal punishments, this rescue operation has raised a few critical international legal questions. The primary objective of this paper is to answer these questions. This research analyzes the international legal characteristics of the Korean Navy’s rescue operation. Then, a few case-studies of military rescue operation are carried out in order to justify the Korean Navy’s rescue operation. The Korean Navy’s rescue operation may be regarded as an act of forcible self-help and realization of existing international legal right.
The epigenetic therapy of cancers is emerging as an effective and valuable approach to both chemotherapy and the chemoprevention of cancer. The utilization of epigenetic targets that include histone methyltransferase (HMTase), Histone deacetylatase, and DNA methyltransferase, are emerging as key therapeutic targets. SET containing proteins such as the HMTase Setd1b has been found significantly amplified in cancerous cells. In order to shed some light on the histone methyl transferase family, we cloned the Setd1b gene from Mus musculus and build a collection of vectors for recombinant protein expression in E.coli that will pave the way for further structural biology studies. We prospect the role of the Setd1b pathway in cancer therapy and detail its unique value for designing novel anti-cancer epigenetic-drugs.