본 연구는 일본의 민간재단이 전개해온 역사부정 활동의 양상을 체계 적으로 이해하기 위해서, 2009년 프랑스-일본 사사카와 재단(FFJDS)이 프랑스 학자를 상대로 제기한 명예훼손 소송 사건을 심층 사례연구로 분 석한다. 이 사건은 역사부정론이 학술연구 재정 지원이라는 유인 수단은 물론 SLAPP라는 위협 수단을 통해 영향력을 확장한 주목할 만한 사례 이다. 이 사건의 배경에는 제2차 세계대전 A급 전범 용의자였던 사사카와 료이치가 있는데, 그는 전후 경정 도박사업으로 축적한 부를 바탕으로 전 세계에 수십 개의 민간재단을 설립하여 일본의 전쟁범죄를 부정하는 역사 수정주의적 연구를 지원해왔다. 이 민간재단들은 학문의 자유를 방패막이 삼아 역사부정론적 관점을 정당화하는 데 머무르지 않고, 이제는 역으로 학문의 자유를 위축시키는 수단으로 SLAPP을 적극 활용하고 있다.

This study explores the diachronic development of expletive negation (EN) from Old English to Early Modern English. The EN examined in this paper involves a matrix verb with the meaning `prohibit`, `deny/refuse` or `doubt/fear` governing a subordinate clause with a negative marker whose meaning is allegedly empty. It is argued that EN is not a case of long-distance negative concord, but it is a genuine negative clause, as evidenced by the existence of emphatic negative markers. The use of EN is explained from a cognitive perspective as a speaker`s frequent (mis-)interpretation of counterfactual contexts, which is compatible with the use of the subjunctive mood.

This article is a historical study on the distinction between to-infinitives and bare infinitives. Generally, the to-infinitive denotes the futuristic, indirect potential event, while the bare infinitive denotes the direct one. This meaning distinction between the two infinitival constructions has been persistent through the long history of English, as argued in Fischer(1995, 1996a, 1996b, 1997a, 1997b, 2000). The issue is how and from what this meaning difference is derived. The common account is structural, saying that the to-infinitive has the clausal status such as IP or CP with the inflectional element inside, while the bare-infinitive has the small clause structure such as VP. This account assumes that the infinitival marker to is a meaningless grammatical element(INFL). However, it is argued in this article that the infinitival to is a lexical element having its own lexical meanings and that these lexical meanings of the to are the maintenance of its original prepositional characters. In other words, the lexical meanings of the infinitival to, derived from its original prepositional category, has not been wiped out, although the meanings were a little weakened in ME for a while. The conclusion is that the meanings of the to-infinitives such as futurity and indirectness are due to the morpheme to itself, not to the structure caused by its presence.

Pil-Hwan Lee. 2003. A Historical Study on English Negative Expressions - with Special Reference to the Methodology in English Historical Syntax. Studies in Modern Grammar 31, 107-136. This is a study on the changes in sentential negation in English, from Old English to the present day, in terms of Jespersen`s(1917) Negative Cycle. The Negative Cycle is an assumption that negative adverbs are depleted lexical meaning they undergo phonological and morphosyntactic reduction to a bound morpheme prefixed to the finite verb. The history of English clearly supports this assumption. The issue is how to explain these aspects of changes. van Kemenade(1997a, 1997c, 1999, 2000) tries to account for the history of English sentential negation as a pure case of morphosyntactic change. It means that the change was triggered by structural factors. However, it is argued in this paper that the triggering factor for the change is the weakening of meaning. In other words, negative adverbs are morphologically and syntactically weakened to negative head status due to the semantic bleaching of negation and to the overlapping function in expressing sentential negation in NegP. The two positions in NegP inherently presuppose the functional redundancy in expressing sentential negation, so the specifier of NegP is generally weakened to Neg˚.

Pil - Hw an Lee . 2002 . On the Dev elopment of Eng lish Infinitiv al Cons tructions . S t ud ie s in M od e rn Gram ma r 27, 77- 104 . This is an explanation for the development of the three infinitival constructions which were introduced into English roughly at the same time during the Middle English period, i.e., the so- called Accusitiv cum Infinitivo (or exceptional case-marking ) construction, the f or NP to V construction, and the passive infinitivals . There have been various accounts for the introduction of these constructions . The traditional accounts are synt actic borrowing from Latin and analogical extension. However, Fischer (1988, 1989, 1990, 1991, 1992a, 1992b, 1994) criticizes such accounts, saying that the introduction was due to grammar - internal factors, expecially to the word order change English underwent in this period. It is argued in this article that the loss of inflectional endings is a more important internal change than the word order change. The argument is that the reanalysis, by which new infinitival constructions appeared, was due to the loss of inflectional ending (especially, dative ending ) of the sandwiched NP between the main verb and the infinitive. Furthermore, there is a general agreement that the word order change in English was it self due to the loss of inflectional endings. In this respect , the loss of the inflectional endings is a more basic and important factor for the changes of English Infinitival constructions .

The 16th century was a epoch-making time in the intellectual history of Korea because of the appearance of two greatest scholars, Nammyeong(南冥) Jo Sik(曺植) and T'oegye(退溪) Yi Hwang(李滉) who were leaders for the direction from the time forward in the intellectrual history of Korea. The difference of academic thinkings and political ideas between them clearly exposed at the beginning was one of the origins of the prosperity from 16th to 17th century in our intellectual history as their disciples were founding principal schools. On the other hand, it also brought about such serious matters as the start of confrontations and discordances between two leading schools. As Nammyeonghakpa(南冥學派) went on disorganization as a school after 17th century as well as downfall in the political world, it had been intensively under political oppression other than T'oegyehakpa(退溪學派) even in the political position similar to it within the political world. But, the negative understandings and evaluations of Nammyeonghak(南冥學) or Nammyeonghakpa in the next generation had virtually started from the discordance and conflict with T'oegye in academic thoughts and political ideas. Yi Hwang who considered as his own duty to restore the soˇngnihak(性理學) because of his awareness of the time being as a corruption conflicted undoubtedly with Nammyeong and his school, by bringing up the dispute of deviation from soˇngnihak's orthodoxy in the academic thinkings of Jo Sik made a difference with him. It also meaned the open of harsh criticism or denial against Nammyeonghak and its school. Such criticisms or negative opinions for Nammyeonghak grew in place after the severe criticisms for Chong Yinhong(鄭仁弘) who was a follower of Jo Sik. The typical critic was the Noronpa(老論派) of soyin(西人) from Yulgok(栗谷) Yi I(李珥) to Taekdang(澤堂) Yi Sik(李植). Especially Yi Sik among them tried to build the foundation of political justification by giving a criticism for Nammyeonghakpa including Chong Yinhong. Along with it, he also tried to give a harsh criticism in a full scale against Nammyeonghak through his large number of writings. After the members of Noronpa of Soyin were influenced by or followed his critical opinions, it ended up to the peak of criticism in the line of Nong'am(農巖) Kim Changhyup(金昌協) and his disciples. Kim Changhyup took a strongly critical and negative position other than Song Siyeol(宋時烈), his master, had a flexible position against Nammyeong. In the end, his negative opinions spreaded out and developed into an intensive criticism in the line of Chong'am (正庵) Yi Hyeon'ik(李顯益) who was his loyal disciple. However, in spite of the harsh journey of Nammyeonghak which had been denied even the worth for its being in history, it came to be a comeback because of its revaluation movement by the scholars of Kyeong sang Namdo(慶尙南道) province in 19th century. As it was in the 19th century of the crisis era, a group of scholars in the province started the revaluation movement of Nammyeonghak and its actual values. The movement was growing much more and continued steady to 20th century. Those flows of Nammyeonghak in the intellectual history of Korea became one of the principal reasons of understanding newly of the merit of Nammyeonghak and its reappearance. In brief, still within such continuous circumstances in crisis up to now, we started to revaluate the worth for Nammyeonghak's being as the valid thought even in our times.