Under Trump and Biden, the US trade policy has veered away from its traditional approach, developed since World War II, from multilateralism to focusing primarily on national and unilateral concerns. At the center of this approach have been tensions with China. This includes a renewal of industrial policies, protectionism and, most importantly, reliance on national security, manifested by newer and unexpected geopolitical developments. The discussion of trade policy today has become very toxic, especially during this presidential campaign season, with its renewed focus on tariffs. The trade debate in the US is now entering a new stage with the nomination of Kamala Harris and J.D. Vance. I believe the US drift away from the postwar policies of promoting global trade and investment will continue. Nationalist and protectionist policies will continue as part of a new economic and industrial policy, fused with national security concerns and rhetoric, no matter who wins.

ICT가 중국-아프리카 경제무역 협력에 미치는 영향에 초점을 맞추어, 중국과 아프리카가 디지털 배당금을 활용하여 무역과 경제의 지속 가능 한 발전을 촉진하는 방안을 탐구한다. 본 연구는 주로 패널 데이터 모델 과 고정 효과 모델을 연구 방법으로 사용한다. 이러한 방법론을 통해 국 가 간 및 시간에 따라 관측되지 않는 이질성을 통제할 수 있으며, ICT와 경제적 성과 간의 관계를 강력하게 분석할 수 있다. 2005-2022년 데이 터를 통해 ICT가 중국-아프리카의 양자간 무역 및 아프리카 국가경제 성장에 미치는 영향을 분석한다. ICT는 중국과 아프리카의 양자간 무역 을 촉진하며, 아프리카 국가의 경제성장에 긍정적인 영향을 미치며, 특히 유선 전화와 휴대전화는 중국과 아프리카의 경제무역 협력에 가장 큰 기 여를 한다. 중국과 아프리카 회원국은 지역 협력을 강화하고 ICT와 같은 디지털 인프라의 효율성을 높이며 경제적 상호연결성을 촉진하고 무역 촉진 및 협력 수준을 높여야 한다.

There has been a tectonic shift in the trade relationship between the United States (US) and China. This can be seen in the passage of new US legislation, recent US trade restrictions on exports and investment transactions with China, and worsening US relations with the World Trade Organization (WTO), particularly with its dispute resolution system. The Trump administration initiated a haphazard tariff and trade war with China, reversing decades of US trade policy pursuant to its long-standing stances of supporting free trade. To the dismay of many in the trade community within the US and globally, the trade actions by President Trump have been significantly extended and broadened by the Biden administration in its first two years, despite the expectation that it would reverse many of Trump’s policies. In this article, I present seven observations concerning President Trump’s and President Biden’s trade policies.

본 연구는 아프리카 전자상거래 법률 및 규정이 중국-아프리카 디지털 무역에 끼치는 영향을 탐색한다. 이를 위해, 구조방정식 모델링을 이용해 중국-아프리카 ICT 상품 무역액, 아프리카 전자상거래 발전 지수, 그리 고 전자상거래 법률 및 규정간의 상호 영향을 분석하였다. 결과적으로, 아프리카 전자상거래 법률 및 규정이 아프리카 전자상거래 발전과 중국- 아프리카 디지털 무역에 모두 긍정적으로 작용함을 확인하였다. 하지만 과도한 세금은 이러한 발전을 제한하는 요소로 작용하였다. 이 연구는 방법론적 혁신을 포함하며, 아프리카 전자상거래 법률 및 규정의 개선과 디지털 무역의 발전을 촉진하는 실증적 근거를 제시하였다. 다만, 데이터 와 이론적 한계로 인한 제약점이 존재하며, 향후 연구는 이를 극복하기 위한 방안을 제시하였다. 이 연구는 이론적 가치와 실질적 시사점을 제 공한다.

As the Biden administration succeeded President Trump’s chaotic and undisciplined trade and investment policies toward China, the last six months of 2022 have seen significant developments in the US trade law and economic policy toward China. These legislative and regulatory developments bring into sharper focus a broader and more aggressive US legal and regulatory structure fostering industrial policy and confronting China. The recent midterm elections in the US and meeting in Bali between Xi and Biden only seem to maintain the current unsettling state of affairs. The subsequent WTO panel decision against the United States concerning its Section 232 national security tariffs and its rejection of national security defense only further complicates the US-China trade relations. The legislative and regulatory measures emanating from the US in the last half of 2022 are not helpful and represent a worrisome development. These measures are by far more aggressive, with significant domestic and global implications. They portend a new emerging post-WTO order.

The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (RCEP) is the world's largest free trade agreement. The RCEP has significant implications for China’s agricultural trade especially in the ASEAN region which is China’s top export market, the second-biggest source of imports for Chinese agricultural products, and largest trading partner in the agricultural sector. To boost trade development, this paper presents a detailed SWOT analysis of China’s agricultural trade with the ASEAN using the RCEP as the research background. Through the RCEP, China’s agricultural products are expected to achieve not only growth in trade scale and trade facilitation, but also stronger economic ties in East Asia. However, the RECP also poses new challenges to China’s agricultural trade structure, core competitiveness, and quality and safety system. Therefore, China should reinforce its brand building, optimize its trade layout, deepen its agricultural transformation, and improve its cooperation to better enjoy the trade dividends brought by RCEP.

본 연구는 소재·부품·장비의 한·중 산업간 무역구조 및 무역 경쟁력의 변화를 분 석하기 위하여 수행되었다. 먼저 수출입 추세를 보았을 때 소재·부품·장비의 대중국 무역은 지난 10여 년간 지속적으로 무역수지 흑자를 달성하고 있지만 흑자 규모는 지속적으로 하락하는 추세에 있는 것으로 나타났다. 그리고 GL 지수를 보았을 때 산 업 내 무역의 수준이 지속적으로 증가하고 동종 산업 간의 경쟁 또한 치열해지고 있 는 것으로 파악되었다. 10년간 전체 소재·부품·장비 산업의 TSI 지수는 양(+)으로 나 타나 우리나라 산업의 경쟁력이 우세한 것으로 나타났지만 TSI 지수가 지속적으로 줄어들어 산업의 경쟁력이 점차 감소하고 있는 것으로 파악되었다. 중국의 급격한 성장에 대응하기 위해서는 우리 제품의 자급률 향상 및 경쟁력 강화 등을 위한 노력 을 지속적으로 기울여야 할 것으로 판단이 된다.

One of the overwhelming issues in the global economy has been China-US trade war. The edited book by Rahul Nath comprises of chapters on different dimensions of the trade war. AS the crisis emerged between two economic powers of East (China) and West (US), it had substantial consequences on South Asian economies. The chapters identify key challenges as the outcome of China-US trade war. While building on the consequences of the conflict, the book traces on the impact on trade barriers, both tariff barriers and non-tariff barriers. The empirical evidences examined identify the spill over effects on the South Asian economy. Amid China-US trade war, the litmus test has been for the WTO as there has been rise in preferential trade agreements. The authors have examined these issues in detail.

Since its accession with WTO, China has claimed that free trade agreement makes international trade liberal by reducing trade barriers, establishing a pleasant exchange and flow of goods and services, promoting economic corporation, and enhancing economic growth. As the free trade agreement is inefficacious in gaining mass global consensus, China’s constructive approach towards free trade has induced many debates. By discussing Marxist perspective on free trade, this study begins with analyzing the theoretical source of Marx’s ideas on free trade and aims to apprehend China’s approach towards free trade. The author uses descriptive and critical analysis to understand China’s approach towards free trade based on Marx’s early writings. Further to analyzes the economic and legal aspects of China’s free trade agreement, empirical analysis is used. The paper argues that free trade agreement is a progressive plan and neutral economic policy which can bring economic prosperity in any economy as it holds the potential to be the leading economic concept by offering win-win opportunities to both the Contracting parties.

본 연구는 호주-중국 무역분쟁을 국제정치의 상호역학관계 관점에서 분 석하였다. 연구목적을 달성하기 위해 시스템사고 이론에 기반하여 인과지 도분석을 실시하였다. 연구를 통해 얻어진 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 경제 적 영역에서 시작된 무역분쟁은 다양한 영역으로 확산되면서 복잡한 국제 정치시스템으로 진화하는 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 다양한 변수들이 작동하 는 국제관계 현실에서 절대적 가치만을 선호하는 중국의 보호된 가치(중화 사상, 하나의 중국, 중국식 인권주의)는 정책결과의 확증편향을 유발하면서 국제관계에서 다양한 변수들의 동태적 변화를 인식하지 못하게 하는 원인 으로 작용하는 것으로 나타났다. 셋째, 한국과 호주는 중국과의 외교관계에 서 상당히 유사한 조건을 가지고 있다는 점에서 호주-중국의 무역분쟁에서 호주가 사용한 전략은 한국의 정책결정에 교훈을 주고 있다는 점을 발견할 수 있었다.

Renewable energy is frequently seen as one of the world’s most promising industries, as it promises a sustainable future in the surge of climate change. Nevertheless, several trade disputes emerge as nations implement policies to boost the domestic green energy industry, putting current trade laws to the test and leaving the detrimental effects on the development of renewable energy technologies. As a result, trade tensions have risen, particularly in bilateral relations between the United States and China. It is impossible to deny that current trade disputes over renewable energy products have practical consequences for governments, institutions, and enterprises. Rising trade protectionism in the energy industry may endanger the fulfillment of specific sustainable development targets. Keeping that in mind, this study aims to examine the recent trade disputes over China’s renewable energy products at the multilateral forum of the WTO, while analyzing protectionism in the context of international trade and practices.

Based on the analysis of the development of cross-border e-commerce in BRICS countries and the status quo of cross-border e-commerce trade between China and other BRICS countries, this paper makes a quantitative analysis of China's cross-border e-commerce exports to other BRICS countries and its influencing factors. Based on the classical expression of gravity model, this paper adjusts the model and constructs an extended gravity model with China's cross-border e-commerce exports to other BRICS countries as dependent variable, GDP of other BRICS countries, distance between China and the BRICS countries, population of importing countries, consumption gap, Internet penetration, logistics performance composite index of importing countries and cultural gap as independent variables. Based on the panel data of China, Russia, India, Brazil and South Africa for 8 years from 2010 to 2017, this paper finds that the GDP of importing countries, Internet penetration of importing countries, consumption gap, logistics performance composite index and population have a positive impact on China's cross-border e-commerce exports to other BRICS countries, while cultural gap and geographical distance have a negative impact on China's cross-border e-commerce exports to other BRICS countries.

The 2020 US Presidential election is now over. After listening to the essence of Mr. Biden’s inauguration speech, “America is Back!,” people around the world are cautiously expecting the revival of multilateralism. This research is to tackle a fundamental question of: “Is America Back to Multilateralism?,” by focusing on the US’s China trade policy under the Biden presidency. This essay consists of five parts including Introduction and Conclusion. Part two will review the development of postwar multilateralism which constructed the rulebased trade governance. Part three will analyze the challenge and crisis of contemporary multilateralism under former President Trump and the possibility of its resurrection under Biden administration. The author will review the origin and evolution of the US-China trade war. Part four will look into the possibility of reconstructing multilateral world for sustainable development. Part five will conclude the essay predicting the US’s China trade policy under the Biden administration.

The sudden escalation of the US-China trade war has negatively impacted global trade and the WTO, and its effects will last for a long time. This article centres on the US anti-dumping measures against Chinese exports within the trade war. The article attempts to explain the failure of the US trade policies in terms of anti-dumping measures; policies which were found to be inconsistent with the Anti-Dumping Agreement (ADA). Rather than complying with the Appellate Body Reports, the US insisted on using procedures inconsistent with the ADA, such as the zeroing methodology to overprotect the US industries. The US even blocked the appointment of Appellate Body Members and paralysed the WTO’s Dispute Settlement Mechanism. Apart from political and economic reasons, one of the underlying reasons for the US to trigger a trade war with China would be anti-dumping measures. Antidumping measures are designed to balance unfair pricing strategies; however, the US is misusing the measures in order to avoid a trade deficit with China.

China Pilot Free Trade Zone is a "policy practice zone," and China has already established 18 pilot FTZs since the approval of Shanghai Pilot FTZ in Sept. 2013. Pilot FTZs have become high grounds for Chinese economic reform through 'optimization of business environment', 'facilitation of investment & trade', and 'policy innovation in various fields such as financial services and real economy.' Construction of pilot FTZ has aggressively extended national strategies such as active service, construction of "One Belt, One Road" Initiative, cooperative development of Jingjinji Metropolitan region (Beijin-Tianjin-Hebei), integrated development of Yangtze River Delta Economic Zone, and revitalization of northeast China, etc. as well as collaboration with surrounding nations. Recent entry of new stage of China-Korea relations has great potential of complementary cooperation. As a "policy practice zone" of Chinese economic reform, Pilot FTZs have arranged business environment facilitated with legislation and internationalization, regulation system suitable for international trade-investment rules, and open financial environment through system innovation & reform in various fields such as investment, trade, and finance, etc. This is giving a new motivation for higher level and broadened area of China-Korea economic relations.

본 연구는 중국 상해 및 심천 증권거래소 A-Share 상장기업 단기자금 조달구조의 결정요인을 실증적으로 분 석한다. 본 연구의 초점은 기업간신용의 차입비중에 금융경색 및 재무제약 요인이 미치는 영향을 추정하는 것이다. 본 연구에서 자금시장 전반의 금융경색을 지표하는 변수로 대출-예금금리차가 추정에 포함되었다. 개별 기업의 재무제약 변수로 기존연구를 반영하여 자산총계, Whited-Wu Index, Kaplan-Zingales Index 등이 가설검 증 변수로 추정에 포함되었다. 본 연구의 실증분석에서 중국 상해 및 심천 증권거래소 A-Share 상장기업의 단기 자금 조달구조 결정요인으로 금융경색은 기업간신용 차입비중에 부(-)의 영향을 미치는 것으로 추정되어 중국 기 업의 기업간신용 차입비중이 경기순응적, 시장순응적임을 제시한다. 재무제약은 기업간신용 차입비중에 정(+)의 영향을 미치는 것으로 추정되었으며 기업간신용이 단기자금 조달수단 중에서 “열등한 대체재”로 기능함을 시사하는 것으로 여타 국가들의 기업을 분석한 기존연구를 지지하는 분석결과가 도출되었다. 운전자본관리 측면에서는 만기일치가설을 지지하는 추정결과가 도출되었다. 본 연구는 불완전패널구조를 보이는 중국 기업의 재무데이터를 분석함에 있어서 동적패널모형을 추정하여 통계적으로 유의하고 일관성 있는 실증결과를 제시한다.

On January 28, 2019, the US Department of Justice announced criminal charges against Huawei. A pair of indictments accusing Huawei of violating the US sanctions as well as stealing trade secrets was unsealed in two separate cases. In fact, as a technology-intensive enterprise, Huawei has always been under close scrutiny from the US government for ‘national security’ concerns, and both the criminal allegations have existed for years. The Chinese side questioned the American motives, accusing that the US is actually using law enforcement as one tool among many to achieve its policy objectives in the Huawei case. The article presents the Chinese side of the case as well as the grounds for its position.

Since the traditional definition of ‘foreign elements’ cannot meet the new requirements of the arbitration of China’s FTZs, Chinese judicial practice must create a useful supplement to already established standards. In free trade zone arbitration cases, Chinese courts determine foreign elements based on the standards of subject, object, and legal facts. In this regard, the explanation for ‘other circumstances’ in the First Judicial Interpretation of the Supreme Court on Several Issues Concerning the Application of Law of the PRC on Foreign-Related Relations is based on the three abovementioned elements. The Chinese arbitration system and legislation must be further perfected; however, overly broad standards may impede China’s domestic arbitration system. Moreover, China must add certain restrictions to the standards: judges should distinguish the artificial foreign elements created by contracting parties, controversial civil relations should have a material connection with foreign countries, and discretion should be reasonable with sufficient nucleus.

The trade war between the US and China in the Trump era has become a momentous event in the world economy. It is necessary to see how trade relations between them have played out within the WTO from a historical perspective. Since the Opium Wars, both economic and political concerns have changed the relationship between these two countries. The escalation from a trade conflict to trade war shows the rivalry between the US and China for hegemony in the twenty-first century’s regional and world politics. The economic, technological, and manufacturing competition that is a part of hegemonic rivalry is not totally new; this is borne out by the history of the US-China economic relations. The escalation of this ‘trade war’ now has spill-over effects on other countries, being beyond the normative framework of the WTO. There is an impasse in this ongoing saga, but the silver lining is that there will be a re-construction of the multilateral trading system.