본 실험은 인공 배지를 사용하여 채소류의 생육반응을 알아보고 EPP소재 화분에 적합한 가볍고, 보수성이 우수한 배지를 선발하기 위하여 실시하였다. 고형율은 배지A가 27.4%였으며 배지B~E는 10% 정도였다. 공극율은 B~E의 경우 90% 정도로 A의 72.6%보다 유의하게 높았다. A의 함수량은 63.6g 이었으나 B~E는 70g 이상으로 유의하게 높았다. B의 pH는 5.6으로 가장 높았으며 그 다음으로 C, D, E 순이었다. EC의 경우 A가 2.16ds/m 으로 가장 높았으며 B~E의 경우 0.43ds/m 이하로 매우 낮았다. 사용한 배지의 물리성은 변하지 않았다. 엔다이브의 엽수는 D, E에서 19.2장으로 가장 많았다. 상추의 엽장과 엽폭은 B~E에서 각각 19cm, 11cm 정도로 배지 간에 차이는 없었으나 배지 A의 14.7cm, 9.1cm보다 유의하게 증가하였다. 엽수와 근장의 경우 유의차는 없었지만 잎의 크기와 마찬가지로 B~E가 A 보다 많은 것으로 나타났다. 머스타드의 엽장은 B~E가 A에 비해 통계적으로 유의하게 큰 것으로 나타났다. 토마토의 초장은 C~E에서 50cm 정도로 A에 비해 유의하게 생장이 증가하였다. 개화일은 D가 7월 28일로 가장 빨랐으며 그 다음이 E로 7월 30일이었다. 과실수는 유의한 차이는 없었으나 E가 8개로 가장 많았다. 이상의 결과로 보아 본 실험에서 조제한 배지는 기존의 원예상토에 비해 가볍고 보수성이 우수하였다. 또한 식물의 생육과 배지의 물리화학적인 특성을 고려할 때 엔다이브, 상추, 머스타드, 토마토의 재배에 적합한 배지는 E(코코피트:피트모스:수태=2:5:3)로 판단되었다.

This study focuses on the implications of the acceptability contrast of the locative inversion (LI) and presentational there insertion (PTI) constructions when considering some recent accounts of Extended Projection Principle (EPP) effects (see, among others, Chomsky 1995, 2000, Kim 2002, Lasnik 2001). For this purpose, we use Kim and Lee`s (to appear) acceptability judgment test composed of LI and PTI constructions, which was administered to native English speaking subjects. Results show judgment contrasts and confirm the slightly degraded nature of the LI constructions. In regard to the theoretical importance of the EPP, why perceptions of the contrasts differ is captured through a theoretical analysis.

This paper deals with the relation between filling the Spec position and the Extended Projection Principle(EPP). In Chomsky (1995), the EPP is a strong feature of a functional head causing the relevant feature and the residual constituent to raise. On the other hand, in the sense of Chomsky (2000), the EPP is the requirement that some functional heads must have a specifier. However, Bo kovi (2002) argues that the EPP should be eliminated. According to him, the "final EPP" follows from Case theory, and the "intermediate EPP" is filled as a result of the requirement of successive cyclicity (i.e., locality). In addition, Bo kovi (2002) claims that successive cyclicity should be required by a property of the movement itself, not by a property of intermediate heads. In this paper, we discuss whether those arguments against the EPP can be maintained or not in expletive constructions.

The `Extended Projection Principle` (EPP) has been a pervasive topic of research and a pervasive mystery since it was first formulated by Chomsky (1981). That initial formulation is not precise, but its intention is clear enough: The EPP (here called by Chomsky `principle P`) "is the structural requirement that certain configurations … must have subjects …" ［p.27］ Over the years since, its existence as an independent constraint has often been called into question, on the grounds that it is redundant with other principles, especially those concerning Case (by Fukui and Speas (1986) for example), or that it is literally unformulable given other theoretical desiderata (Epstein and Seely (1999)). I will review those arguments. I will also survey a range of phenomena involving infinitival constructions that provide strong empriical evidence for the EPP. In particular, I will show that in ECM constructions, while the ECM subject sometimes raises overtly to a canonical Case positon (Spec of AgrO), it also sometimes remains in embedded subject position, a position that it is in solely to satisfy the EPP (Lasnik (2001b)). The next question is just how the EPP is to be formulated. Alexiadou and Anagnostopoulou (1998) argue that there are actually two different kinds of languages with respect to the EPP, those (like Greek) where X˚movement suffices versus those where only an XP can satisfy the EPP. I will examine English, a matter of strong feature checking, as in Chomsky (1995), or the requirement that certain functional heads require a specifier, as in Chomsky`s original version and the more recent one in Chomsky (2000). This question turns out to be surprisingly intricate, with arguments for the strong feature version (Merchant 92001), and against it (Lasnik (2001a)).

Ki - y ang Kw on . 2002. Loc ativ e Inv ers ion and EPP . S t ud ie s in M od e rn Gramma r 27, 37- 56 . In this paper, we will analyze locative inversion constructions under the framework of Agree theory in Chomsky (1998, 1999). We face two problems in locative inversion constructions with respect to Agree theory . First, the preposed PP does not agree with the verb. Second, what is the activated element of the preposed PP? To solve these problems, we will suggest that PP in locative inversion be moved not by the synt actic requirement but by the phonological requirement of the functional head. Given this, we may assume that EPP - feature is satisfied not by the syntactic move or merge but by the phonetic realization.

Dongseok Kim. 2000. On the EPP-Feature of T. Studies in Modern Grammar 22, 125-144. In this paper, we argue that defective T is devoid of EPP-feature, and that the weak expletive there bears Case feature. On the observation that the target of Move or Merge for the purpose of satisfying the EPP of T is invariably a Case marked position, we propose to reduce the EPP-feature to Case checking requirement. The proposed analysis has advantages of eliminating the Merge over Move Preference and redundancy in EPP and Case checking.