Pei Songzhi (Year 372-451)’s annotations on The History of the Three Kingdoms have greatly revised, improved and enriched the original content of The History of the Three Kingdoms written by Chen Shou. The linguistics and philology value of Pei’s annotations are remarkable, which are reflected in the following three aspects. Firstly, in terms of phonetics, there are 99 phonetic notations (for 96 Chinese characters) in The History of the Three Kingdoms, and the methods are mainly Zhiyin (including "Yinru") and Fanqie, moreover they reflect the phonetic characteristics from the Later Han Dynasty to the Eastern Jin Dynasty. Secondly, there are 98 lexical annotations in total, producing new words and new meanings, and most of them are still used by later generations. Lastly, there are 39 philology annotations. Pei Songzhi annotated the rare and incomprehensible characters in the text, and also listed many opinions for reference. Additionally, Pei Songzhi attached importance to the influence of glyphs on the meanings of Chinese characters, and focused on analyzing words and textual meanings from the perspective of philology. Pei Songzhi’s annotations are concise and clear, meticulous and rigorous, and also express his own views and opinions, with distinct personal characteristics. Pei’s annotations on The History of the Three Kingdoms have profound research value and significance in linguistics and philology, which are worthy to be carefully explored, and the results will play an important role in enriching the research content of the history of Chinese language.

“Yu (于)” and “Yu (於)” both exist in The History of the Three Kingdoms, while the frequency of usages are different, with same and different usages. This paper takes The History of the Three Kingdoms During Shaoxi Period of Song Dynasty (The Twenty-Four Histories in Collection of Various Editions) as the research material, and investigates the usages of the words “Yu (于)” and “Yu (於)” in it, also referring to the other three editions of The History of the Three Kingdoms and checking each other to clarify the words and usages. In The History of the Three Kingdoms, “Yu (於)” appears 4544 times, “Yu (于)” appears 861 times, and the usage ratio is 5.28:1. “Yu (於)” is more widely and frequently used than “Yu (于)”. These two words are used most abundantly as prepositions. The prepositions “Yu (于)” and “Yu (於)” can both guide the complements of time and place, as well as elicit action objects and express passiveness. Additionally, in the three pairs of common phrases, the usages and meanings of the corresponding words are same. The difference is that the preposition “Yu (於)” has more plentiful usages and fixed usages of “Yushi (於是)” and “Zaiyu (在於)”, moreover, “Yu (於)” is often used after war verbs, and “Yu (于)” is rarely used. Furthermore, “Yu (於)” can be used as an interjection, and “Yu (于)” in proper nouns cannot be written as “Yu (於)”. It can be seen that, different from the pre-Qin period, the grammatical function of “Yu (於)” in The History of the Three Kingdoms is much stronger than that of “Yu (于)”, which reflects the trend that the weakening of the usages of “Yu (于)” in the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, while the function of “Yu (於)” is gradually becoming stronger. Besides, there are many usages preserved through “Yu (於)” from ancient Chinese to modern Chinese.

This study mainly focuses on Silla jo among Samguk Sagi bongi, and analyzes in 音韻學的(eumwunhakcheok) about names of 王(wang)s, names of bureaucrats and names of government services marked in two or more. I referenced 郭錫良(Kwakseongryang)'s 古音手冊{koeumsuchaek) for estimation of 上古音(sangkoeum) and 中古音chungkoeum). Also this study followed theory of 王力(wangryek) for the discrimination of 同音(dongeum) and 近音(keuneum). Among the names of the kings I could not ascertain historical evidence in whether ‘伐休(Beolhyu) and 發暉(Balhwi)', ‘味鄒(Michu) and 未古(Migo)’ and ‘炤知(Soji) and 毗處(Bicheo)’ are the same or similar sounds. Among above kings the name of a king 炤知(Soji)(照知(Choji)) was recorded in 毗處(Bicheo). It seems to have been documented in a changed form from a Chinese character meaning to a Korean native tongue. Both 炤(so)and 照(cho) in 炤知(Soji)(照知(Choji)) mean ‘光(kwang)’ which represents ‘bright, shining, and light'.(In 炤知(Soji) 知(ji) is a suffix which has no meaning.). 毗處(Bicheo) is the ‘빛(bit)’, the Korean word of 光(kwang). In other words, it is the reading sound of 毗處(Bicheo) representing a Korean word ‘빛(bit)(毗 : 비(bi) + 處 : ㅊ(처)(cheo) = 빛(bit)’. 南解次次雄(Namhaechachawung)'s 王妃(wangbi) 雲帝夫人(Wunjebuin) was recorded in 阿婁夫人(Arubuin) which seems to have been documented in a changed form from a Chinese character meaning to a Korean native tongue. 雲帝(wunje) is the name related to water물(水 : mul). 阿婁아루(aru) is the Korean native tongue of 雲帝(wunje). 阿婁(aru) is another written version of Korean native tongue ‘阿里(ari)’ which represents water. It is the last letter that is the only difference between 阿里(ari) and 阿婁(aru). It can be proved in phonological method. 里(ri) of 阿里(ari) and 婁(ru) of 阿婁(aru) are that 聲紐(seongnyu) is 雙聲(ssangseong) and also vowel or final consonant is similar which is changed each other because the ancient Chinese sounds are similar. That the name of a place ‘始林(sirim)' was rewritten to 雞林(kyerim) is that Korean native tongue 始林(sirim) was changed to Sino‐Korean word '雞林(Kyerim)'. In other words, ‘始 : 새(sae←音(eum) : 시(si))’ was changed to ‘鷄 : 새(sae←訓(hun) : 닭(dark))’.