Oxalic acid has a nematicidal activity against the root-knot nematode Meloidogyne incognita. High producer of oxalic acid was isolated, and then named as Aspergillus niger F22. Oxalic acid production was investigated under various temperatures from 20 – 33oC and rotational speeds in 5 L jar fermenters. Yield of oxalic acid increased with decreasing temperature. The highest yield was obtained at 23oC, showing the yield of oxalic acid of 8.7 g/L, whereas oxalic acid production was least at 33oC. At 20oC, the yield was lower than that of 23oC. At a rotational speed of 300 rpm, serious oxygen depletion was present from 48 - 72 h, resulting in low productivity of 26.2 mg /L·h. When a rotational speed was set at 600 rpm, dissolved oxygen tension was over 40% and oxalic acid production increased up to approximately 55%. Viscosity during the culture differed with temperatures. Viscosity increased with the increment of temperatures. When A. niger F22 was cultured at 23oC, viscosity was 810 cP, which was favorable for oxalic acid production.

연구로 2호기 해체과정에서 발생한 방사화된 수조 콘크리트 내의 깊이에 따른 및 의 방사능 분포를 고온연소로와 액체섬광계수기를 이용하여 분석하였다. 또한 향후 연구로 2호기 해체과정에서 발생된 콘크리트폐기물의 핵종재고량 평가에 활용하기 위하여 및 측정결과와 감마방출핵종과의 상관관계를 도출하였다. 및 의 검출하한값은 0.048 및 0.028 Bq/g이다. 연구로 2호기 수조 콘크리트 내의 및 의 깊이별 방사능 분포는 콘크리트 표면으로부터 멀어질수록 지수적으로 감소하는 경향을 보여주었다. 또한, 및 의 비방사능은 콘크리트에 존재하는 의 비방사능과 좋은 상관관계를 나타내었다.

The aim of this paper is to analyze the grammatical status of English core negative element ne and not in the process of diachronic changes. Negation was generally expressed by the negative particle ne throughout OE. It came to be expressed by the weakened ne in combination with the negative adverb not in ME, and as ne disappeared, not started to be used exclusively from around the fifteenth century. There was a temporary tendency to place not before a lexical verb until the verb do became fully grammaticalized as an auxiliary, but negation began to be derived with the syntactic structure of `a finite modal verb/do＋not＋a lexical verb` from the later period of Early ModE. Contracted negation came to be optionally expressed through negative contraction in terms of encliticization of not to the preceding finite verb from Late ModE.

This research was made to propose the improved contents of Practical Business English (PBE) that can be actually commanded by graduates working for trade companies in Busan metropolitan area. In addition to general business English regulated by customary practice, PBE can provide students with specific words, sentences and expressions which are practically used in local trade companies; moreover, both employers and employees engaged in international business in Busan area actively agree to the proposal. Students should given opportunity to take the lecture of PBE not only at the college of commerce but at the department of English language and literature as well, and to experience field work in the local trade companies which reflect the property of Busan industries, as interns according to the requirement of curriculum. PBE should also cover the contents that affords a better understanding of international culture and regional customs, together with the faculty of the fluent command of business English.

Sang-soo Park. 2000. Causative Alternations in English. Studies in Modern Grammar 21, 49-71. In order to explicate the lexical properties of causative alternation verbs, pure unaccusative verbs and unergative verbs associated with argument structures simultaneously and to examine their differences in syntactic structures in principle, we propose the revised semantic feature complexes specified as [±Externally caused eventuality] and [±Internally caused eventuality]. The cause that pure unaccusative verbs select a single-internal argument in the underlying structure can be shown if we consider the historical evidence that unaccusative verbs of present-day English originate from the impersonal verbs of Old English that were used without subject.

Park Sang-Soo. 1998. A Diachronic Analysis to the That-t Effect. Studies in Modern Grammar 13, 1-24. In Old English period paet(=that)-t constructions were grammatical because bxt was originated from the demonstrative pronoun that had Agreement and Case features and accordingly the grammatical function of paet was the same as that of the neuter singular nominative demonstrative. As the inflections came to be leveled in Middle English period, paet/pat(=that) was reanalyzed as an indeclinable word and the grammaticality of a pat-t construction was also changed. In Modern English period tiat-t constructions are ungrammatical because that is recognized as a pure function word and it checks off [+F](=finiteness) operator feature of a tensed clause as a clause indicator and [-Q] feature of a declarative sentence as a mood indicator. This paper suggests that that be taken to be not a complementizer but a C-checking function word of [+F] and [-Q] features to account for the that-t effect as well as the adverb-effect in a principle way.

Park Sang-soo. 1997. Verb Raising in Early Modern English. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories 11: 17-38. From the viewpoint of the history of English, the Early Modern English period, especially from about 1500-1600, is characterized by the complete loss of inflectional system, the disappearance of overt verb-raising consequent on the change of the verb feature of tense from strong to weak, and the emergence of modal verbs including dummy verb do. The erosion of inflectional ending system made the overt verb-raising impossible which is necessary for the checking of subject-verb agreement in the functional category of T or AGR. The change of verb feature of tense in the late 16th century is closely related to the loss of agreement system by 1500. During the Early Modern English period of the 16th century, the verb feature of tense was either strong or weak. This means that both the overt verb-raising and do-support are allowed in this transitional stage of tense feature. When the verb feature of tense becomes weak, the overt verb-raising from the verb position of lexical category to T was suppressed. The change of verbal system implies the agreement of formal features between subject and finite verb is checked off not through the overt verb-raising at the level of syntax but through the covert verb-raising at the level of logical form or through the operation of do-support. From the end of the l6th century do-support was forbidden in an affirmative sentence, but it became obligatory in a negative sentence or an interrogative sentence. We can explain such grammatical operation using the economy principle of `last resort` in the Minimalist Program. This change, of course, resulted from the weak verb feature of tense and the impossibility of the overt verb-raising. The dummy verb do originated from the development of the raising verb do in the Middle English period. The raising verb do was reanalyzed as a functional element of tense carrier from the late 16th century.

Park, Sang-soo. 1996. The Effect of Formal Features on the Word Order Change in the History of English. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories 9: 27-55. According to the descriptive study of texts of OE, the underlying word order of Late OE should be analyzed as a double base hypothesis. We therefore propose that the functional category of IP had both I-final SOVI and I-initial SIOV and the lexical category of VP had head-initial OV in the OE underlying structure. In the Minimalist Program the operation Attract-F is driven by the morphological considerations: the requirement that some formal features must be attracted to the functional category and checked off before Spell-out. We can explain the verb-seconding and the topicalization of OE main clauses using the operation Attract-F. The strong features of [+finite] and [+topicJ appear in the C of CP and attract the morphological features of lexical category to check the verb-seconding in the C and the topicalization in the Spec of CP. The change of underlying word order from SOVI and SIOV of OE to SIVO of ME was triggered by the inflections which were rich and full in the OE period but became reduced and levelled in the ME period The levelled inflections of ME provided the morpho-syntactic motivation for the reanalysis of underlying word order that caused the [+finite] feature in C to incorporate into the (+tense] feature in I and made the verb-seconding and the cliticization disappear in the ME period.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the base-generated position of the negative element not in English negation and the movement of verbs across not. The theoretical background of the study is based on Rizzi`s Relativized Minimality and the range of researches is spanned from Old English(OE) to Modern English(ModE). The results obtained from the analysis are summarized as follows: 1. In the surface structure of OE negation, the negative element preceded the finite verb in both main and subordinate clauses. The surface word order of main clauses in OE negation was derived from the movement of the negative element from the specifier position of VP to that of CP and the raising of the finite verb to the verb-second position. The surface word order of subordinate clauses in OE negation manifested the underlying word order itself : the finite verb projected a preverbal negative element as its specifier. 2. Owing to the levelling of morphological inflections, the underlying word order of Middle English(=SIVO) wa reanalyzed from that of OE(=SIVO) through syntactic operations such as verb-raising, extraposition, decliticization, the establishment of the subject position in IP and the loss of the verb-second phenomenon. The grammatical category of the negative element was still analyzed as the specifier of VP. 3. In the early ModE period, do and auxiliaries underwent a diachronic reanalysis of the grammatical function and the base-generated position of the negative element not was reanalyzed as the head position of NEGP. Consequently the raising of a lexical verb to I, the head position of IP or C, the head position of CP comes to be impossible in a ModE negation construction. In that case, an inserted-do or a base-generated auxiliary in the head position of ModP raises to I or C in order to satisfy the morphological conditions in PF and LF. But aspectual be and have still shows the syntactic properties of OE.