In this paper, We consider some generalization of these five basic indices to cover non-normal distribution. The proposed generalizations are compared with the five basic indices. The results show that the proposed generalizations are more accurate than t

This paper examines that distributional properties of three categories of NP modifiers –color, nationality, and material- in Koren and suggests that these NP modifiers show the peculiar behaviors in the domain of modification depending on their morphology. On a par with Watanabe’s (2012) analysis, in particular, I propose in this paper that the class of adjectives that express nationality and material is absent in Korean and that modifiers that are used as nationality and material adjectives are nouns like Japanese. Regarding color adjectives, also, uniquely they can be divided into two types in their modifier form: one is the type affixed with RRC (Reduced Relative Clause) marker –n and the other is the nominal form like nationality and material modifiers. Under morpho-syntactic perspective, more significantly, I address the intriguing issue that morphological variants of these NP modifiers combined with certain morphemes have a great effect on word order restriction, and this phenomenon is discussed in relation to Pronoun-Noun Constructions (PNCs). Building on the fact verified and supported by a great deal of empirical evidence, I argue that word order restriction of Korean NP modifiers can be flexible depending on the absence/presence of their morphological variation.

This paper provides a unified analysis for the three types of right displacement in English as the clause-final right-displaced element has in common the function of specifying/elaborating on what has been left referentially indeterminate or blank in the preceding clause. We take the surface make-up of the three constructions at issue to indicate that the right-displaced element has coordinate structure relation with the preceding 'propositional' constituent such as vP or TP. Based on this initial conception of the three constructions at issue, we make three points. First, we argue that these constructions involve clausal coordination and their surface forms are derived by eliding the second conjunct except for the base-generated/ leftward-moved element outside it. Second, we show that the economy of structure-building is at work in the formation of the two coordinate conjuncts in the constructions, accounting for the well-known Right Roof constraint or clause-boundedness condition. Third, we also demonstrate that the ban on P-stranding heavy NP shift of a certain argument element follows from the unavailability of an implicit argument to the relevant position of the first conjunct.

This paper examines the identity of null objects in Korean. For the last two decades, null objects in this language have been argued to derive from either base-generation as an empty pronoun or ellipsis/deletion. To resolve this controversial issue, we scrutinize some previous arguments supporting one analysis or the other for null objects. We set forth a background for the discussion of them, starting with the diagnostic that Chung et al. (2011) uses to distinguish VP and TP ellipsis in English. We then turn to Hoji's (1998) and Ahn and Cho's (2011) test utilizing the availability of a sloppy-like reading, and then to Hoji's (2003) and Bae and Kim's (2012) probe employing R-expressions. Showing that all these diagnostics are not effective as much as they have been claimed to be, we use the new test capitalizing on the extraction out of an ellipsis site, arguing that null objects in Korean derive from deletion/ellipsis rather than base-generation as pro.

237Np is very important material in the fission products of nuclear reactors. Resonance integral(RI) tests of this material is necessary to check between the experiments and the evaluated data. Such feedback to the evaluated data is very important to correct data and improve of codes. The RI for the 237Np(n,γ)238Np reaction were measured by using the 46-MeV electron linear accelerator (linac) at the Research Reactor Institute, Kyoto University (KURRI). The measurement was performed in the energy region from 0.005 eV and 10 keV. RI obtained as 804.7 barns, compared with those of the evaluated data in JENDL-4.0 and Mughabghab.

Diethyl phthalate (DEP) and nonylphenol (NP) are widely spread in the natural environment as an endocrine disruption chemicals (EDs). Therefore, in this study, ultrasound (US) and ultraviolet (UVC), including TiO2, as advanced oxidation processes (AOPs) were applied to a DEP and NP contaminated solution. When only the application of US, the optimum frequency for significant DEP degradation and a high rate of hydrogen peroxide (H2O2) formation was 283 kHz. We know that the main mechanism of DEP degradation is radical reaction and, NP can be affected by both of radical reaction and pyrolysis through only US (sonolysis) process and combined US+UVC (sonophotolysis) process. At combined AOPs (sonophotolysis/sonophotocatalysis) such as US+UVC and US+UVC+TiO2, significant degradation of DEP and NP were observed. Enhancement effect of sonophotolysis and sonophotocatalysis system of DEP and NP were 1.68/1.38 and 0.99/1.17, respectively. From these results, combined sonophotocatalytic process could be more efficient system to obtain a significant DEP and NP degradation.

This paper aims to account for the historical rise of for NP before infinitival clause when the matrix predicate is an adjective. First, the main arguments and the problems of the previous studies are discussed, most of which made a point of the reanalysis of benefactive dative NP governed by the matrix verb to the subject of the infinitival clause. Unlike Jespersen (1909-49, V), Lightfoot (1979), Fischer et al. (2000), etc., this paper argues that such a reanalysis did not play a role and English did not undergo structural reanalysis over time. It is also argued that Old and Middle English had the same double structure as Modern English, and that the only change is the replacement of dative inflection by the preposition for and the later spread of the for to the subject NP of the infinitival clause. Moreover, the previous debates as to the cause of the change in question, whereby such claims as the loss of case inflection (Nagai 1998, Fischer et al. 2000) and the change of word order (Fisher et al. 2000) are the most prominent, are not significant because there is little structural change. The loss of case inflection only caused the use of for instead of case inflection, and the word order change only caused the possible occurrence of the sentence-initial for NP to V.