Although scholarly terminology should have clear meanings as signs, Korean pagoda terminology has become jargon and is creating difficulties in communicating meanings which are far from the originally intended meanings; this terminology is sometimes notated in dead language, meaning old Chinese characters, or Japanese styled Chinese characters. Nobody has asked questions on the terminology itself which has long been commonly used for a century, since the Japanese-ruling period. One of the main reasons for this error is that the Indian Buddhist scriptures in Sanskrit has been translated into Chinese with vague understanding of form and meaning of stupa since 3rd Century A.D. On the other hand, the English-language terminology, already built by Indology scholars since the beginning of the 20th century, consists of easier language and clearer meanings. This paper examines misunderstanding and mistranslation of the original Indian stupa terms and suggests new terminology in current, easier language.

Thirty years have passed since the first Korean missionary Youngja Kim had arrived in India in 1980. Korean missionaries have filled up the vacancy of Western missionaries after they had gone home. They have done excellent job particularly in the field of church planting where the Western missionaries found it hard. Unfortunately, however, Korean missionaries have worked tirelessly without having any chance to get feedback from Indian natives and churches. This article shows the present situation and some problems of Korean missions. Its aim is to evaluate Korean missions in India by the reflection on Indian culture and Indian critic of foreign missions carried out in India. Korean missionaries have worked mainly among so-called the scheduled caste people and the scheduled tribe, namely the lowest strata of Indian society. The religion of S. C. and the S. T. is Buddhism, Sikhism, Animism and Totemism unlike the mainline Hinduism. The Korean missionaries' work is mostly focused on church planting, along with teaching ministry in seminaries and schools, and social service. Indian Christians examined themselves and confessed that 90% of their evangelistic efforts are carried out among about 4% Christians of their country. They proposed that their focused missionary efforts should be made among the main line caste Hindus who have not heard the Gospel. Secondly, Indian Christian leaders like R. C. Das demanded that foreign financial assistance should be stopped right now unless western missionaries would ruin the native initiative and the spirit of self-reliance which is essential to the fulfillment of Indian evangelism. Thirdly, they suggested that church building is culturally irrelevant in India where spirituality is raised by parents and elders rather than by the appointed paid Christian workers. Based on these criticism, Korean missionaries have to shift the traditional paradigm of missions in India as following. First, Korean missionaries should strike a balance by focusing on missions among the higher caste Hindus or middle class people in cities. Second, Korean missionaries should stop the financial assistance to the Indian workers and churches, and rather plant the independent spirit and the gospel faith.

Thisstudy aimstodiscoverhistoricaltrendsandchangeofform ofallstupasin India with observation of field study thatis as directas possible,by classifying, analyzing, andsynthesizing thestupas.Study ofIndianstupainKoreahasanumber ofshortcomings since only introductory partialapproach has been made in orderto seek the origin ofKorean pagoda.This study also aims to correcterrors ofstupa terminology in Chinese character committed by misinterpretation of Hindilanguage whichwasestablishedbyprecedentJapanesescholarsseveraldecadesago. Piled-up stupasweretotally destroyed by pagans,thereforetheirremainstellus only ofstructure,material,sizeand disposition.Howeverremains ofcarved stone at torana and drum give us clues as to the originalform ofstupa and worshipping activity,aswellaschangetoamoreluxuriousform. Many rock cavestupasofIndiashow usboth simpleformsmatching theascetic age ofearly Buddhism and luxurious changes in Mahayanan era introducing us to statuesofBuddha.Indiansrecoveredthesphericform of'anda,'aHinditerm meaning cosmic egg,from the hemispheric form ofthe piled-up stupa. Therefore we might discardtheerraticterm of'bokbal',whichmeansanupsetvessel. Railingsandparasolsbecamemainfactorsofstupadesign.Carvedrailingsaround stupabecameasignofdivinity.Seriousworshippingactivitymadedrumslongorhigh and created multi-embossed stripes.Bases ofcircular drums of some cave stupas changedtheirshapestorectangularoroctagonal.Singleparasolsbecamemultiparasols ofaffluentflowerlike curved stems on carved stupa.Multistoried,elongated and high parasolsofGandharastupasareclosely related tosuch factorsasdiversechangesof form in Indian subcontinent.Four-sided toranagateand ayakacolumn ofthecircular form oforiginalstupassuggesttherectangularform ofsubsequentEastAsianpagoda, and higher and wider base of Indian stupas became the origin of East Asian rectangularpagoda.

In the end of August 2008, atrocities against Christians of Khandamal district of Orissa state in India occurred by Hindu mobs driven by Bajrang Dal, the youth wing of Hindu World Council: 59 people were killed, 18,000 were injured and 159 churches were damaged, along with 4,400 houses. Apparently, this communal violence was erupted from the antipathy of Hindu nationalists towards conversion movement of Christian missionaries. Yet, inwardly, the poor Khands tribe felt jealous of rich Panas tribe after being converted to Christianity. The Bajrang Dal attempted to take advantage of such communal tension for the political purpose of taking seats in the upcoming 2009 general election. Communal violence happens dime a dozen in India. Yet, recently, the target of Hindu nationalists was directed to Christians in the tribal areas of Orissa rather than to Muslims, previously the major enemy of Hindus. The reason was the steep increase of Christians in this district due to missionary activities. The leaders of Hindu nationalists were in the grip of fear and vented their anger over this issue. According to the ideology of Hindutva(Hinduness), Indian nation has to be necessarily a Hindu nation and the Hindus alone are the true sons of the soil. Moreover, the non-Hindus are a menace, the polluted to be purged, if they would not be assimilated to Hindu way of life. The feature of nationalism of K. Hedgewar of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh was cultural nationalism which elevated India to the goddess of motherland. From the perspective of Hindutva, the conversion of Hindus to non-Hindu religion is an anti-national activity, thus, they should put it down by all possible means. Likewise, the communal ideology of the Hindu nationalism is exclusive, chronical, and subjected to violence. In this regional context, Christian missionaries should respect Hindu gods and goddesses and understand their faith and Hindu nationalism rather than villify them. In order to avoid unnecessary clash, it is recommendable for Christians to involve in inter-personal evangelism and establishing house churches rather than in building churches and institutions. Missionaries should encourage the local Christians to be financially independent so that Christianity can be presented as a genuine spiritual religion. Urban middle class Hindus should be the target of missionaries, moving from the previous lower strata of Hindu society.

This study standardized catch per unit effort(CPUE) of the Korean longline fishery, which has been used to assess the status of stock as an index of abundance, for bigeye and yellowfin tunas in the Indian Ocean. The Generalized Linear Model(GLM) was used to analyze the fishery data, which were catch in number and effort data collected each month from 1971 to 2007 by 5 × 5 degree of latitude and longitude. Explanatory variables for the GLM analysis were year, month, fishing area, number of hooks between floats(HBF), and environment factors. The HBF was divided into three classes while the area was divided into eight subareas. Although sea surface temperature(SST) and southern oscillation index(SOI) were considered as environmental factors, only SST was used to build a model based on statistical significance. Standardized CPUE for yellowfin tuna showed a declining trend, while nominal CPUE for the species showed an increasing trend.

Early Buddhist rock cave temples of India, in spite of being an origin of Buddhist temples, has little been studied in Korea. After field studies and an interpretation of their forms in conjunction with religious life, precedent theories are supplemented and refuted as follows. Starting from the 2nd century B,C., Buddhist ascetic disciples digged residential rock caves, called vihara, for protection from monsoon rain and hot weather, A typical arrangement was settled -a courtyard type, with 3 side rows of tiny one-person bedroom and a front veranda with columns. Also digged were Chaitya caves, in line with viharas, to worship, which is the tumulus of Buddha's relics. I suggest that the original type of chaitya a simple circle cave with a stupa, suitable for circumambulating ceremonies. I refute the existing theory presenting Barabar caves of Ajivika as a chaitya origin, featuring empty circular room without a stupa. I also interpret a typical apsidal plan as being a simple result of adding a place of worshipping rites in front of the stupa. Enclosing columns around a cylindrical stupa is a result of reinforcing both the divine space and circumambulating ceremonies, with elongation toward hall. Finally the chaitya came to have a grandeur apsidal plan with high vault ceiling nave and a side aisle as in Western cathedrals with large frontal horseshoe arch windows. The Buddha image, which had become a new worshipping object, was integrated into the stupa and interior surface. First the stupa and then the statue was introduced to residential Viharas. Therefore, I suggest that the vihara should be renamed as 'chaitya' as a worshipping place, by establishing statue rooms without bedrooms at all. The functionally changed vihara is similar in form to a 'rectangular type of chaitya', little known and developed in different routes. A columned inner courtyard gradually becama an offering place, like Hindu mandapa, Buddhist caves ware changed to a kind of Tantric and Hindu temple by means of statue worshipping offering rituals.

본 연구에서는 인도양 해수면 온도의 변동성과 1970년 중 후반 이후 동아시아 여름 몬순의 변화의 상관성을 분석하였다. 전반기의 인도양 해수면 온도는 동아시아 여름강수편차(EASRA), 북서태평양 몬순지수(WNPMI)와 상관관계가 거의 없었지만 후반부에서는 인도양 전 부분에 걸쳐 상관관계가 크게 증가하였다. 인도양 해수면 온도와 동아시아 몬순과의 상관성 관계는 봄철과 여름철 각각 지역적으로 차이를 보였다. 봄철의 경우에는 적도 인도양을 중심으로 높은 상관성을 보인 반면 여름철의 경우에는 벵갈만 근처의 인도양에서 높은 상관성을 보였다. 인도양 해수면 온도의 수십년 주기의 변동성은 ENSO의 변동성보다 동아시아 여름 강수편차에 상관성이 높게 나타나고 있으며 따라서 ENSO보다도 인도양 해수면 온도의 변동성이 동아시아 여름몬순에 더 큰 영향을 줄 수 있다. 이러한 인도양 해수면 온도의 수십년주기의 변동성 차이(후반기 해수면 온도와 전반기 해수면 온도의 차이)를 모델의 강제력으로 주고 AGCM실험을 수행하여 그 결과를 비교하였다. 모델 실험 결과 실제 전 후반기 강수량의 차이 패턴인 동아시아 북부의 강수 감소, 한반도와 일본 남부의 강수 증가, 중국 남부의 강수 증가의 패턴이 보였다. 특히 8월의 북서태평양고기압의 확장으로 인한 강수의 증가는 실제 기후변화 차이를 나타낸다. 인도양 해수면 증가로 인한 모델상에서의 대기 순환은 벵갈만-인도양과 북서태평양의 상승기류 중심을 더욱 강화시키는 역할을 해주며 북서태평양에는 고기압성 기류를 강화시키고 동아시아 지역에서는 저기압성 기류를 강화시키는 역할을 한다. 또한 상승기류 중심을 북쪽으로 이동시킨다. 따라서 인도양 해수면 온도의 증가 효과는 동아시아 지역과 북서태평양 지역의 반대위상의 변화를 강화시키는 역할을 하고 있다. 인도양지역별 해수면 온도의 민감성 실험에서는 적도인도양의 강제력의 경우에 북서태평양 상승기류을 강화하여 동아시아 여름몬순에 영향을 주었다.

본 연구에서는 엘니뇨현상과 인도양 쌍극자 모드(Indian Ocean Dipole, IOD) 현상의 상호 관련성과, 우리나라 기온, 강수량에 대한 두 현상의 영향을 분석하였다. 1954년부터 2004년까지 51년간 NINO 3 지수, IOD지수, 그리고 전국 11개 지점 지역평균한 월별 평균기온과 강수량 자료를 사용하였다. 엘니뇨현상과 IOD현상은 봄과 가을에는 동시 상관관계가 존재한다. 인도양에서 해수면온도 분포는 엘니뇨 해에는 남북진동이, IOD 해에는 동서진동 형태가 뚜렷하였다. 엘니뇨 해 우리나라에서는, 여름철에 냉하다우, 겨울철에 온난다우 경향이 뚜렷한 반면에, IOD 해에는 유의한 상관성을 찾을 수 없었다. 대기대순환에서도 엘니뇨 해에는 우리나라를 포함한 중위도에 통계적으로 신뢰할 만한 편차패턴이 나타나지만, IOD 해에는 그렇지 않았다.

본 연구의 목적은 축대칭 하중을 받는 원통형 펄의 엄밀해를 구하는데 있어서, 간략하면서도 엄밀한 해를 구하는 방법을 제시하고자 하는데 있다. 이는 임의 형상의 구조해석을 위한 강력한 도구이긴 하지만 여전히 근사해석인 유한요소법에 대체될 수 있을 것이다. 이를 위해 본 논문은 반복법의 일종인 인도행렬법을 이용한 절점역계의 분배방식을 사용하였다. 원통형 쉘의 분배와 전달인자는 한성지반상의 보에 대한 미분방정식으로부터 구해진 것이다. 이러한 방법을 축대칭 집중하중과 정수압을 받는 원통형 쉘에 각각 적용해 보았고, 그 결과는 BEF 이론해와 비교할 때 만족할 만 하였다.

From the beginning of his career as a poet, William Butler Yeats made serious efforts to learn and master the complex and abstruse Indian religious-philosophical- artistic system and tried to learn Indian philosophy system which he could use in his poems and other works. But what he borrowed from his Indian sources depended upon what he liked at a particular phase of his career, and upon his own ideas of art during that phase. Whether he liked the ascetic aspects or the life-affirming aspects of Indian philosophy was decided by his temperament as well as his changing ideas of art. For example, in the early part of his life when he was so feeble and weak as to escape into unrealistic world, his interest in asceticism, contemplation and the search for truth was strengthened through his own reading and associating with Chatterji. In his middle phase of life, after meeting Tagore and reading his Gitanjali, he learned the Upanishadic idea of the self. In his later part of life when he affirmed and accepted life and this world as a natural condition, he met Shri Purohit Swami. Under the influence of Swami his ideas of art once again favored celebrating the supernatural, but simultaneously they were glorifying human passions. Sexuality and passion appeared to him aspects that could be sung about with intimacy. Instinct began to appear to him very sacred. He was turning to another phase of Indian philosophy which attributes sacredness to spontaneity. Yeats began to integrate the natural and the supernatural through his art so that his art becomes a new religion with spiritual overtones and with the warmth of the passions of life.