The RCEP is the largest FTA in the world. It was negotiated at a moment in history when criticism concerning globalization, multilateralism, and FTAs as effective tools for growth and well-being abounded. Those concerns have been aggravated by COVID-19 and the war in Ukraine, which affected not only world health but also increased protectionist temptations and disruptions in GVCs. This paper aims to analyze the likely contribution of this mega-deal, its economic and political variables, including the leadership that China will exert, and the objectives pursued during the negotiation. The agreement is contrasted with other major FTA, namely the CPTPP, the FTAAP and the Pacific Alliance, mainly in relation to integration efforts. It is concluded that the RCEP will indeed increase intraregional trade, although its full impact will take years to be felt. To maximize its impact, the RCEP needs to incorporate key current issues and new members to the pact.

본 연구는 FTA 무역협정과 관련하여 기존 연구들이 수행했던 직접운 송원칙에 대한 분석을 넘어서 APTA 직접운송원칙의 운영상 제기된 여 러 문제를 파악하고자 관세청 판례사례를 바탕으로 분석해보고자 하였 다. 연구를 위해 관세청 관세평가 판례 사건번호-조심-2017-30의 심판 청구사건(제목: “APTA 직접운송원칙 위반 여부”)을 연구에 활용하였다. 최근 협정관세율 적용이 배제되어 관세를 부과 당하는 처분 사례가 증가 하고, 심사청구, 적부심사 사건 분쟁이 꾸준하게 늘고 있는 상황에서 이 번 연구 주제에 대한 논의가 APTA를 적용받고자 하는 무역 기업에 유 용한 자료를 제공하고 있다는 점에서 연구의 의의가 있다.

In recent years, globalisation has fostered ever more frequent and intimate interactions between states and societies in the Asia-Pacific region. Unfortunately, this has also increased the potential for disputes, particularly regarding international trade and human rights. The Asia-Pacific Dispute Resolution Program, which is run jointly by the Institute of Asian Research and the Peter A. Allard School of Law at the University of British Columbia, seeks to better understand, explain and predict when such disputes will arise, combining stateof- the-art approaches from law, political science, communications, sociology, international relations, economics and business. To manage-and ideally preventsuch disputes, the world is in urgent need of resolution approaches that meet the needs and expectations of the different cultures involved. The objective of the Program is to propose innovative interdisciplinary approaches to dispute resolution that international communities of scholars and policymakers can use to promote intercultural communication and reconciliation.

The 17th APEC Future Education Forum (AFEF) and the 19th International ALCoB Conference were held from 28 September (Tuesday) to 1 October (Friday) in a virtual manner. The annual forum and conference serve as an invaluable opportunity to discuss future directions of education and human resources development in the Asia-Pacific region. Since 2005, the forum and conference have served their role as the largest and longest thematic meeting in the APEC Human Resources Development Working Group (HRDWG). The 2021 forum and conference have gathered 780 participants from 20 APEC member economies, guest economies and international institutions. Under the theme “Strengthening lifelong competencies and skills development for individuals’ career, education, training, and life cycles”, the forum and conference reflected the current educational agenda from 21 APEC member economies and other international organizations such as G20, UNESCO. As a way forward, the forum and conference speakers recommend APEC to 1) consider individual and industrial needs for curriculum development, 2) expand lifelong learning policies and practices at both domestic and international level and 3) develop a public-private partnership to prepare its future talents with adequate competencies. This review explains the 17th AFEF and the 19th International ALCoB Conference background, summary and outcomes. The review also briefs on collective actions member economies can take as future steps to continue the forum and conference discussions.

Bilateral agreements are not the optimal solution to address modern challenges regarding the resolution of investment disputes. The time has come for multilateral agreements to define a clear procedure for resolving investment disputes and the formation of arbitration for these purposes. On November 15, 2020, ASEAN members and five regional partners signed the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), arguably the largest free trade agreement in history. Although the RCEP agreement defines the basic principles of legal protection of investments, it does not contain a procedure for settling disputes directly between investors and parties to the agreement, i.e., Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS), but rather postpones the issue for future negotiations. Nevertheless, a majority of countries understand the importance of investment protection and have significant outward FDI that will support stronger ISDS protections within a multilateral framework. Therefore, it is recommended that in the near future member countries will come to an agreement and adopt appropriate amendments to the RCEP regarding ISDS.

The new Treaty on Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (“TPNW”) opened for signature on September 20, 2017. It will enter into force in 90 days after getting 50 instruments of ratification. This fact shows that Asia-Pacific is in the forward position to totally eliminate nuclear weapons in the world for the peace, security and human well-being. How to move forward the process of ratifying the TPNW? In order to clarify this question, the author will focus on the following three parts: 1) Asia-Pacific and International Humanitarian Law; 2) Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons - a step towards the nuclear disarmament; and 3) Ratification of TPNW.

This article is focused on some scenarios of a third way for Jeju Peace Island for Koreas as one of provincial government. In 2002 and 2006, We suggest United Three States of Korea : South Korea, North Korea and Jeju Island Korea. But in real situation Korean government chooses the Jeju Special Self-Governing Province. After practicing it 11 years, Jeju islanders are complaining it is not enough for them to improve its autonomy to push its policies on its way without empowering main authorities to local province from central government. So, they wants more power through revision of Korean Constitution as same as State government of USA and Switzerland such as guaranteeing special status of Jeju government as Hong Kong of China. In our opinion, in a word, Jeju islanders want to become “ Jeju Peace Self-Governing Province,” for two Koreas.

2015년 12월 14일부터 18일까지 필리핀 마닐라에서 국제나사렛 교단 아시아태평양지구(이하 아태지구)의 싱크탱크 모임이 최초로 개최 되었다. 당시 제기되었던 주요 이슈 중 하나가 아태지구에서의 리더십 위기였다. 즉, 일부 연회(district)에서 토착적 리더십으로의 위임 및 이양이 원만히 진행되지 못하고 있을 뿐만 아니라 다수의 연회에서 피라미드 모델(Pyramid Model)에 근거한 전근대적 권위주의 리더십이 만연하고 있다는 상황이 보고되었다. 이러한 이중적 리더십 위기는 아태지구의 성장동력을 저해하고 있는데 본 연구는 이 위기를 극복할 대안으로 성서적 충실성(biblical authenticity)과 현대적 적합성 (contemporary relevancy)을 겸비한 트리 모델(Tree Model)을 새로 운 리더십 패러다임으로 제안하고자 한다. 리더와 팔로워(follower)의 관계가 수직적 상명하복인 전통적 피라 미드 모델과는 달리 트리 모델은 양자 간의 유기적 상호의존성과 수평적 파트너십을 전제하고 있는데, 이런 관점은 현대 리더십 이론과 그 맥을 같이 한다. 또한 군림과 권한독점 대신에 섬김(servanthood)과 권한부 여(empowerment)가 트리 모델에 본유적으로 내재하고 있는데, 이런 특징은 성서적 리더십 원리와 잘 부합된다. 이처럼 현대적 적합성과 성서적 충실성을 지닌 트리 모델을 통해 리더십에 관한 인식론적 전환이 아태지구에 확산되면 현재의 리더십 위기 상황이 극복될 수 있는 기반이 형성될 수 있다. 다시 말해, 트리 모델의 권한부여적 속성은 토착적 리더십으로의 위임 및 이양에, 섬김과 파트너십의 수평적 특성은 전근대 적 권위주의 리더십 타파에 각각 기여할 수 있으며, 그 결과 아태지구의 성장 동력이 창출될 수 있을 것이다.

Regional education experts from various developing countries (Bangladesh, Nepal, Sierra Leone, Tanzania, The Gambia) of west Africa and Asia-Pacific regions and experts in ICT in education from Korea cooperated to analyze the current situation of ICT utilization for schools in developing countries. From their research and reflections of participants' countries situation following things are recommended to be considered with priorities. Firstly, the expected problems and difficulties of introducing ICT in developing country schools from six levels including (teachers level, schools level and communities level). Then, solutions thereto are derived for the following six aspects: motivation of teachers, awareness building, Funds, ICT training for teachers, ICT equipment for the teachers, transparency and accountability.

The Asia-Pacific region is an engine of global growth in political, economic, social and cultural aspects but tangible and intangible conflicts also remain in the region due to different backgrounds and experiences in history, culture, and so forth. In this respect, APEC has played its role to narrow divides and facilitate cooperative activities among 21 member economies since 1989. However, it is required to point out how these member economies can initiate and manage cooperative activities efficiently under challenging situations like recent economic crisis and remaining conflicts. This paper presents the role of education to enable member economies to understand each other and find a way to work together, and reviews one representative international educational APEC project: APEC Future Education Forum.

International academic mobility demands certainty on the academic backgrounds of students, professors, scholars, researchers, experts and consultants. Frequently, institutions and authorities in charge of the recognition of qualifications have installed administrative processes to validate the authenticity of academic credentials and transcripts. This is also the case when it comes to qualification's recognition for professional matters. In some economies, the requisite of the "apostille" and/or the demand for other legalization requirements are seen as a possible route to guarantee authenticity. Still, in the information age, using printed documents might not necessarily be the best way to administer human capital mobility. This paper will discuss an initiative to look into the future in terms of how to improve efficiency and reduce the cost of recognition among the APEC economies: The AsiaPacific Academic Credit and Qualifications Bank.

Persistent accidents related to food safety and expanded international trades have urged the world to be aware of the gravity of the accidents. Accordingly many countries have tried to come up with various laws, regulations, measures, support networks and educational programs for the agenda, particularly focusing on harmonizing food safety technologies among nations and fostering professionals. Also, APEC newly organized Food Safety Cooperation Forum (FSCF) in 2007 to exert multi-dimensional efforts to improve food safety for Asia Pacific nations. Up to now, 35 activities have been promoted since 2007 and additional 20 activities are waiting for their turns for action on the list of APEC project agenda. FSCF has the objective that it helps the stakeholders in food supply chain develop their own competence in that area, thus increase international trade among nations and maintain the globe healthy by applying the highest standards and best practices for the management of food safety ranging from production to consumption. To achieve this strategic objective, APEC subsequently formed Partnership Training Institute Network (PTIN) to build up the multilateral networks of specialists from governmental agencies engaging in food safety management, industries, academia and international organizations in Asia-Pacific region. This attempt made it possible for the world to exchange their scientific and technological information concerning food safety and strengthen related education and training. Today, international cooperation is essential for food safety management. Therefore, we need to participate actively in the activities of APEC FSCF to contribute to improving food safety technologies for the member countries of APEC. We also need to connect the domestic support programs with theirs.

중미관계의 성격이 적이면서 동반자인 양면성을 띠고 있다는 점을 고려할 때 중장기적 관점에서 중미관계는 상당히 유동적이라 할 수 있다. 결국 관계변화의 가장 큰 변수는 중미 간의 공통적 전략이익이다. 만약 미국이 과거의 정치, 군사대국에서 경제대국으로 급부상하고 있는 중국의 존재를 인정하고 국제적 문제에 대해 중국과의 협력을 강화해 나간다면 미국의 대중정책은 포용론에 무게를 둔 형태로 전개될 것이다. 실제로 최근의 북 핵 문제에 있어서 중국의 역할을 미국은 높이 평가하고 있으며 과거와는 다른 시각으로 중국을 바라보고 있다. 중국과의 전략적 협력을 아태지역 차원에서 접근할 경우 이는 중미관계와 미일동맹, 포용론과 봉쇄론의 균형에 의해 대중관계가 결정될 것이다. 또한 미국이 중국과의 전략적 협력에 대해 실효성이 없다고 판단할 경우 양국관계는 경제, 대만문제, 미일동맹 강화, MD체제 수립 등의 다양한 영역에서 갈등의 측면이 부각될 가능성도 있다. 특히, 가장 심각한 것은 대만문제로 중국 내 일부 연구자들은 향후 15년 내에 대만해협에서의 충돌 가능성이 한반도에서의 무력충돌 가능성보다 훨씬 높다고 보고 있다. 중미 양국의 관계는 여전히 냉전적 사유가 존재하고 그에 따른 위협요인이 상존하고 있는 아태지역의 안정에도 매우 중요하다. 이것은 최근 북핵 문제와 지역에서의 대량살상무기의 확산으로 대표되는 非전통 위협요인에 대한 중미 양국의 건설적이고 협력적인 태도에서 증명되고 있다. 결국, 중미 양국이 아태지역 안보문제에서의 협력을 확대하고 발전시키기 위해서는 인식상의 불일치 혹은 정책수단의 차이에 대한 정책조정이 이루어져야 가능할 것이고, 아울러 이러한 정책적인 부분에서의 조정은 중미 양국이 상대방에 대한 건설적 협력의 필요성을 공동으로 인식할 때 가능하다고 할 수 있다. 현재 중국의 향후 정책은 대만통일과 대국으로서 아시아에서 미국, 일본, 러시아 보다 확고한 지위를 인정받는 것이라고 할 수 있으며, 지속적으로 경제발전을 도모하여 21세기 중반까지는 경제 선진국의 대열로 진입하는 것이라 할 수 있다.

Farrell and Wachholz provide a comprehensive report of the findings of a large-scale survey of the uses of information and communication technologies (ICT) in UNESCO member countries in the Asia- Pacific region. The surveys were prepared countryby- country by different individuals or teams. The reader is immediately struck by the sheer volume of information condensed in its almost 300 pages, as well as the great effort that each of the authors invested in researching and compiling each country report. Fortunately, the individual reports are brief and follow a consistent pattern, so that the cases can be compared quite easily. The book consists of 44 country-by-country, systematically organized, brief reports of the current state of ICT in education throughout Asia and the Pacific arranged into four regions—Central and South West Asia, East and South-East Asia, Pacific Island Countries, and South Asia—written by 24 authors who work as researchers, instructional designers, consultants, professors, and specialists in ICT. In this report, UNESCO uses a very broad definition of ICT, including broadcast technologies (radio and television), computers, related peripherals, e-mail, and the Internet and World Wide Web.