Two books have recently been published to argue for diametrically opposite views. One is『Gongjaga jugeoya naraga sanda(The Nation will prosper once Confucius dies)』, which argues for the negative impact of Confucianism on the nation's culture. The other is 『Gongjaga salaya naraga sanda(The Nation will prosper once Confucius becomes alive)』, which puts emphasis upon constructive elements in Confucianism. I believe that it does not matter whether Confucius is dead or alive but it matters whether every individual in this nation is with him- or herself. The purpose of this essay is to explain how Confucius taught everyone to be with oneself, especially for political leaders. In Confucius view, everyone could be a political leader once he or she learns the way(Do; 道). The methods by which Confucius brought up political leaders were peculiar in many respects. First, the teacher never sought for the learner but the learner sought for the teacher. The teacher never failed to teach those who came with proper manners(Ye; 道). Second, the teacher never taught those who did not put an effort as well as those who did not ask questions. Third. the teacher taught how to live a righteous life. Fourth, the teacher tried to bring out the best out of the learner. Since each individual's merits differ from the others', answers to a question from different individuals varied. Fifth, the teacher took into consideration the level of the learner. An adult could at times be taught by utterances but at other times by silence. In short, the teacher must be with the learner, a prospective political leader so as not to lose oneself, and guard the learner so as to shine from one's within.

Jeong On was one of the Korean political leaders in the 17th century. He was born at An-eum town in Gyeong-sang Province and at the age of 31 joined the school of Jeong In-hong who was the top student of Jo Sig. Therefore he belonged to the Northern Party which generally consisted of the politicians who were either from the western region of Gyeong-sang Province or Jo Sig's students. Jeong's political activities were the consistent reification of the principle of Neo-confucianism in which he believed. For example, protection the princes in the political cricis, he suffered from the 10 years' exile. When Ching invaded Joseon, he insisted on resisting the invaders to the bitter end. After the king's surrender he went into lonely retirement and never returned to the capital. He emphasized the political initiative of government officials rather than the king's power. And he suggested a theory according to which political parties could cooperate in the government. This is why he remained unforgettable despite his party's collapse with the downfall of King Gwanghae. Jeong was a conservative. It means that he tried to maintain the established social order and Neo-confucian principles. For these ideological reasons, he opposed the land survey which was necessary for the renewal of the national administrative system but might have charged the land-owning class some additional burden. He also opposed the policy of promoting the descendants of secondary wives to pass the official examination or to obtain the goverment office. He thus wanted to keep the discriminative social order.

T. S. 엘리엇의 정치사상에 관심을 피력한 비평가들은 엘리엇이 인종차별 주의자이며， 독일에서 출발한 나치당의 파시즘을 지지했거나 동조한 문필가라고 매도했다. 그들은 그 증거로 엘리엇이 편집했던 『크라이테리언』 에 수록된 그의 기고를 제시했다. 본 논문은 그 비평가들이 제시한 증거를 면밀히 검토하고， 그 증거가 불확실하거나 정확하지 않다는 것을 반증한 것이다. 그리하여 엘리엇이 정치사상 변에서 파시트 였다는 학자들의 주장은 근거 없는 중상에 지나지 않는다는 것올 드러낸다. 그렇다면 엘리엇이 주창한 정치사상이 있었는가? 만약 그러한 사상이 있었다면， 그것이 무엇인가? 또 엘리엇이 그의 정치사상을 주장하기 이전에 그와 유사한 사상을 주창한 사상가들이 있었다면， 그즐은 어떤 주장을 했는지를 고찰하고， 그들의 사상적 유사성과 차이점을 살펴보는 것이 본 논문의 주된 목적이다. 엘리엇의 정치사상은 의회주의에 기초한 범민주주의를 주창한 사상가이기보다는 왕권올 주장하는 왕정주의이다. 엘리엇의 왕정주의는 그 전례가 없는 독자적인 것은 아니었다. 그의 왕정사상에 앞 선 왕정주의자들과 엘리엇의 직접적인 관련성을 고증하기는 쉽지 않으나 사상적으로 큰 영향을 미친 듯하다. 엘리엇이 그의 사상을 피력하기 이전， 지난 세기 초에 체계적으로 왕정주의 사상을 주창한 사상가들은 J. M. 케네디와 T. E. 흄이었다. 그들은 각기 다른 철학적 입장을 취하고 있다. 그럼에도 불구하고 그들의 정치 사상에 있어서 공통점은 그들이 의회 민주주의를 부정하면서， 세습적 귀족주의 및 왕권주의가 강화되어야 한다고 주장하는 것이다. 그리하여 그들의 공통의 정치적인 적은 의회 민주주의를 주장하는 진보적 중산층이었다. 엘리엇의 정치사상도 케네디와 흄이 주창한 왕권주의와 크게 다르지 않는 많은 공통접올 가지고 있다. 그러나 엘리엇의 왕정주의가 케네디나 흉의 사상과 차별화 되는 점은 왕권주의가 강화된 시대가 보다 높은 차원의 문화적， 도덕적 가치를 창출한 시대라는 점에 그 근거를 두고 있다는 점이다.

The sewage sludges and livestock manures, respectively, were composted with sawdust used for control moisture in the static piles system composter. The variations of temperature, pH, moisture, C/N ratio, inorganic content, forms of organic materials and nitrogen, and contents of heavy metals were investigated. The results were summarized as follows ; The temperature for composting the sewage sludges reached the highest temperature of 52℃, after 3 days and lasted for 7 days, and then went down 30℃ after 52 days. In the case of composting livestock manures, the temperature reached to 63℃ after 10 days, that lasted for 10 days, and then went down gradually. After upsetting the sewage sludges and livestock manures, the temperature went up but was little changed after 52 days. Thus we decided that the terminal of composting periods would be 52 days. The moisture contents of the sludges and livestock manures for composting were decreased to 30% and 36%, respectively. The contents of inorganic matters and heavy metals were changed by the characteristics of raw materials but increased gradually during composting process. The total contents of organic materials in the sewage sludges and livestock manures for composting were decreased to 7% and 9%, respectively. The contents of ether extracts, resins, hemicellulose and cellulose were decreased but those of water soluble polysaccharides and lignins were not changed. The total contents of nitrogen in sewage sludges and livestock manures were decreased to 43% and 34%, respectively.

이상에서 ＇80년대말에 이르러 국제정치의 데탕트조짐화 및 이에 대응한 우리의 새로운 북한관 북방정책 그리고 한민족공동체통일방안 등 일련의 변화에 탄력성 있게 대응할 수 있는 통일교육의 새로운 전개방향이 어떠해야 하는가에 대해 고찰하여 보았다. 우리나라는 88서울올림픽을 분수령으로 과감하고 능동적인 북방정책을 전개하여 가고 있으며 21세기에 실현시킬 통일조국을 위해 민족의 자존과 번영을 위한 민족공동체의 형성을 주창하고 있다..

1946년 제정된 교수요목으로부터 1987년 5차 교육과정이 나오기 까지 40여년 동안에, 우리나라 초등국어교육과정은 체제면에서나 내용면에서 장족의 발전을 해온 셈이다. 이 40년의 기간은 과거 몇 백, 몇 천 년에 맞먹는 정치 경제 사회 문화의 대변혁기라고 할 수 있다. 초등국어교육과정은 바로 이기간 동안에 서구 교육사조의 영향 아래, 때로는 언어의 실용적 기능 중시와 정의적 가치기능 중시의 양극을 헤매기도 하고, 때로는 아동중심의 교육과 국가사회 중심의 교육의 양극을 방황하면서 오늘에 이르기까지 성장했던 것이다.

A large number of the set-nets are set in Namhaedo coast of Korea. The floats of these set-nets are not only small even in case of large floats but also they scarcely have distinguishable marks such as light buoys or flags, so that they are very hard to be recognized by naked eyes and thus became probable obstacles to navigation for the passing ships and the fishing vessels. In order to research the capability of detecting such nets with Radar, the author investigated a maximum detectable range of the ordinarly large floatsand of a floating corner reflectors of various size and shape by Radar. The results obtained are as follows; 1. A maximum detectable range of large floats at a close range can be calculated by the Radar equation in sufficient accuracy. 2. Large floats of the large set-nets are also detectable by Radar even though it's detectable range boundary was within 0.2-0.65 miles. And the Radar picture of large floats was easier to be found with somewhat higher setting of the gain control on shorter range scale of the 1 mile. 3. Floating corner reflector rather suitable for set-net floats of "S" type reflector proposed in this paper, of which the dimension must be above 17cm in diameter to be detectable by Radar at 2 miles.t 2 miles.