International human rights discourse has largely ignored the decentralization of political, fiscal and administrative authority currently taking place across the developing world. By reference to Indonesia’s recent transition from a highly centralised system of government to a system of regional autonomy (called Otonomi Daerah, or “Otda”), this article demonstrates the importance of more closely examining the relationship between international human rights and decentralization. In particular, it is argued that an understanding of international human rights can shed light on the dynamics of decentralization and, vice versa, examining decentralization can inform our understandings of international human rights. The essay explains the historical, political and economic context of Otda and briefly describes its current legal framework. It then explores the varied impacts Otda has had on international human rights in Indonesia and how Otda can, in turn, highlight some of the limits and possibilities of international human rights.

As the primary mode of long distance transport between nations, international air transport plays an essential role in the development and prosperity of the global economy. While other services sectors have benefited immensely from the multilateral trading system, the air transport services have long been dominated by restrictive bilateral arrangements since the Chicago Conference of 1944. Following the successful deregulation of its domestic air transport regimes, the United States initiated an Open Skies campaign toward international air services liberalization in 1990s. The conclusion of the U.S.- EU Open Skies Agreement in April 2007 represents a landmark in the liberalization of international air services. This historic deal not only heralded a new era in transatlantic aviation, but also strengthened the path-dependence of air transport services liberalization. As a major economic power and potential aviation power, China would benefit immensely from the liberalization of air services. However, base on actual conditions, a controllable and phased-in approach toward liberalization is a more rational choice for China at present.

What is an Islamic view of women’s rights? Is there an authentic Islamic interpretation of this issue? The central argument of this article is that there is no unique Islamic view of women’s rights and even more, that according to the very nature and spirit of Islamic law itself, there should be no such version. The article starts with an overview of states’ international obligations with regard to protection of women’s rights. It continues with some examples of implementation of these obligations in several states proclaiming Islam as official religion and source of legislation. This part of the article demonstrates diversity of views existing among such states and insists on the fact that it is not religion itself, but its misuse by patriarchal totalitarian regimes that impedes any development towards improvement of the situation of women in some Muslim states. Finally, the article suggests that international lawyers shall abandon sacralizing religiously framed defences of certain states and be in contrast more attentive and sensitive to difficulties faced by other Muslim states in their effort to reform and reinterpret Islamic law.

Islamic international law is a branch of the Shari’ah (Islamic law). Due to the classical doctrine of the notion of‘ Jihad,’there have been misconceptions and Islam has been painted as a religion encouraging violence and war. This paper appeals for the reconsideration of the classical doctrine, which was adopted at a time when there was a state of war between Islamic and non-Islamic states. Going back to the roots and referring to the Qur’an and the Sunnah: the two primary sources of Islamic law, the paper argues that Islam prohibits aggressive war and that the essence of‘ jihad’ is‘ self-defense.’After elaborating the essential conditions of the right of self-defense, the paper concludes that Islamic international law can contribute much to the present world order by providing moral and ethical values that modern international law is lacking.

The creation of the Iraqi Special Tribunal in December 2003 by Iraqi authorities who were at the time under the legal occupation of the Coalition Provisional Authority marked the emergence of a new form of internationalized domestic tribunals. The Iraqis succeeded in incorporating the full range of modern crimes into their domestic codes alongside some carefully selected domestic offenses, while amending domestic procedural law in some key ways to align the process with established international law related to the provision of full and fair trials. The subsequent investigations and the beginning of trial proceedings generated major debates about the legitimacy of such a domestic forum within the context of human rights norms and the law of occupation. In particular, there was a major strand of thought from outside Iraq that the most legitimate and appropriate forum would have been an international process under the authority of the United Nations. This article examines the arguments made by the Iraqis who demanded a domestic process based on their inquisitorial model, setting them in the broader context of the emerging trends in international criminal law. Through a detailed and unique analysis of the provisions of human rights law and underlying Iraqi procedural law, it criticizes the arguments made by some that assume the illegitimacy of the tribunal under established international norms. The article provides the most detailed explanation of the law of occupation as it emerged following World War II to conclude that the establishment of the Tribunal as an independent court, and its subsequent validation by sovereign Iraqi domestic authorities, was completely valid and proper. The overarching theme of the article is that the imposition of artificial standards and the complete revocation of the preexisting Iraqi judicial structures would have created a process deemed wholly illegitimate by the Iraqi people and judiciary that would have undermined the establishment of the rule of law in Iraq. The author’s personal interactions with the judges serve to support the conclusion that the Tribunal is capable of serving as the doorway through which the detailed body of international criminal law is introduced to the broader Arabic speaking world.

For the safety and cost reduction in the navigation, the automatic and intelligent system has been developed for the vessel, and the most important factor in the system is to decide the collision risk exactly. In this paper, we propose an advanced collision risk decision system for collision avoidance of the system. The conventional researches using DCPA and TCPA for calculating the collision risk have a problem to produce a same collision risk regardless of bearings for the ships, if they are located in the same distance from own ship. To solve this problem, in addition to DCPA and TCPA, we introduce the factor of VCD(variation of compass degree) and constant, CR which derived from COLREG'72(International Regulation for Preventing Collision at Sea, 1972) for evaluating the collision risk including even the burden of own ship navigator due to the encountering angle of each vessels. We decided the collision risk legally by the rule considering the relative situation of vessels. And therefore, the proposed system has two advantages, of which one is to produce more detail collision risk and another is to reflect the real underway situation in conformity with the rule.

국제합작투자, 전략적 제휴, 제도적 특수성, 신뢰와 사회적 인식, 중국본 논문은 최근 많은 기업들이 국제합작투자를 통한 시장진출이 급증하고 있는 시점에서 중국과 같은 전환기에 있는 국가에 활동하고 있는 국제합작투자기업의 서로 상이한 전략과 그에 따른 성과차이를 규명하는 이론적 틀을 만들고자 하였다. 이를 위하여 제도적 이론의 관점에서 효과적인 국제합작투자 경영에 영향을 미치는 구조적 특성을 목적, 운영 그리고 성과 라는 측면에서 파악하고 이에 신뢰, 사

금융산업의 글로벌추세와 초국경적인 금융위기의 위험에도, 이러한 금융위기를 사전에 예방할 수 있는 국가 간 금융활동에 관한 통합적인 국제금융규제는 아직 미비하다. 1974년 독일의 헤르쉬타트은행 도산 이후 설립된 바젤위원회는 현재 은행 감독과 자기자본에 관한 기준을 제시하는 국제적 포럼으로 성장하고 있다. 바젤위원회는 일련의 여러 금융위기들에 반응하여 국제금융규제를 보완 향상시키며, 궁극적으로는 금융제도를 국제적으로 통일화하기 위해 노력하고 있다. 바젤위원회의 기준들은 금융의 글로벌추세에 따라 합리적인 방향으로 발전하고 있으며, 이는 장차 선진금융제도의 발전에 있어서 지도자적인 역할을 담당할 것이다. 국제적으로 영업하는 은행들은 다른 은행들과 보조를 맞추기 위해 리스크 운영에 관한 바젤기준을 따르지 않을 수 없게 되었다. 바젤위원회는 그 회원국들을 구속할 법적인 권위를 지니지는 못했지만, 은행감독과 자기자본에 관한 광범위한 기준과 가이드라인을 제시하고 있으며, 이 기준들은 실제 각국의 은행활동에 관한 규율에 있어서 상당한 영향을 미치고 있다. 이 글에서는 국제적으로 통일화되고 있는 금융규제에 있어서 바젤위원회가 담당하고 있는 역할과 국제적으로 영업하는 은행들에 적용가능한 국제금융법을 제시하고 그 근간을 이루고 있는 바젤위원회에 대해 알아보고자 한다. 또한 바젤위원회는 국내은행 감독제도에 대한 기준들도 제시하고 있다. 2장에서는 바젤위원회의 역할과 구조에 대해 살펴보고 바젤위원회의 각 기준들에 대해 살펴볼 것이다. 3장에서는 국제법이 만들어지는 과정에 있어서 바젤위원회의 기준들이 갖는 의미를 논하고, 또한 이러한 바젤기준의 준수를 강화할 수있는 국제기구 구조에 대해 논할 것이다. 결론에서는 합리적인 국제금융법 체제를 만들고자 하는 국제금융사회의 바램을 언급하고, 국제금융 감독규제에 있어서 앞으로의 변화방향을 제안하며, 또한 국제금융에 관한 국제연성법을 만들어감에있어서 바젤위원회의 기준들이 담당하고 있는 역할을 강조할 것이다.

The International Astronomy Olympiad (IAO) was established by the Euro-Asian Astronomical Society in order to disseminate astronomical knowledge, promote international cooperation in astronomical education area and recognize the importance of astronomy in far-reaching field of science and human culture. The first IAO competition was held at the Special Astrophysical Observatory of the Russian Academy of Sciences located in the north Caucasus of Russia in 1996. Since then, it has been held every year. This paper describes the present status of the IAO main regulations regarding its operation and major results by year, related institutions, and organizations. We created a scientific inquiry framework to analyze past IAO problems in the recognitive aspect in order to measure levels of the scientific knowledges and the scientific thinking abilities. Through this analysis, we can understand the current status of the IAO, and examine the future direction of Korea Astronomy Olympiad. Also, we can make preparation for the IAO competition and the education of delegates.

Nous obserbons dans le champs de l’art aujourd’hui, le changement radicalprovoquant étant donné que le pouvoir du marché de l’art s’augmente de plus en plus. C’est pour cela que le champ du discours de l’art n’est actuellement plus formé par desnotions esthètiques artistiques, mais par celles qui sont réservées au domaine de l’économie et du marché. Il n’est plus significatif de croire la valeur esthètique de l’oeuvred’art, puisque l’esthètique elle-même ne fonctionne plus. Par contre, le système de donnerle prix à l’oeuvre d’art fonctionne rigoureusement. En plus, cette situation s’aggrave étantdonné que la mondialisation du marché de l’art s’installe avec rapidité. Malgré lamondialisation de l’art, des gens qui habitent par exemple à Séoul ne peuvent pas s’approcher facilement de ce qui se passe à New York, le vrai centre de l’art contemporain.Dans cette situation, le champ de discours de l’art n’a pas d’autre solution de se rétrécirremaquablement et le sujet de discussion sur le grand art est remplacé par celui du successde l’art. Cette recherche est arrivée à remarquer que le système du foire internationale de l’art fonctionne comme une locomotive dans le marché de l’art qui est le vrai dominateur del’art contemporain. Aujourd’hui les grands clients du monde de l’art et les jeunesspéctateurs, les clients de l’avenir s’assemblent autour de quelques foires internationalesréputés qui ont de l’autorité. C’est ainsi que l’achat et la vante de l’oeuvres d’art estsuffisamment mondialisé et que le système local du marché est dérangé et s’éffondrégravement.Malgré la différence significative, la majorité des galeries d’art lacaux s’oblige desuivre à la suite du style du foire internationale de l’art. C’est la raison pour laquelle quecette recherche se fait une idée nette que la prospérité actuelle du marché de l’art n’est quela situation économique ou financière. A ce stade de la réflexion, cette recherche arrivera à poser une question primordialeci-dessous: “Si l’art qu’on à l’intention de proclamer ne serai plus possible de faire réfléchirsur la liberté et la solidarité humain, la dignité de l’homme, cet art n’est plus autre choseque l’insignifiance. Au lieu de parcourir divers phénomène du marché de l’art aujourd’hui, cetterecherche fixera son attention sur la réalité du foire internationales de l’art. Dans cecontext, cette recherche sera composée par trois chapitres donc le première essayera derépondre á la question de son influence extraodinairement puissante. Le deuxième chapitreessayera d’analiser la réalité et la source du pouvoir du foire internationale de l’art. Nousessayeront au troisième chapitre de configurer le point de vue critique qui permettra debien comprendre notre sujet.

본 연구의 목적은 정보통신윤리의 영어 몰입수업에 대한 효과， 학습자의 반응 분석， 영어 몰입수엽의 문제점을 찾아 그 대응책을 모색하는 것이다. 연구는질적인 연구의 한 방법인 사례연구법에 의해 실시되었다. 데이터 수집은 연구자의 자기 평가와 학생들의 수엽 만족도 조사표의 응답 결과 그리고 태국 AIV 활동에서 함께 활동하였던 2 명의 교사들 평가를 반영하였다. 수업만족도 조사표로IACE 에서 개발하였으며， 선다형 10문항， 개방형 1 문항으로 작성되었다초등학교 5-6 학년 학생 20 명을 대상으로 시범수업으로 정보통신윤리의 영어몰입수엽 후 학생들의 수엽만족도 조사표에서 영어 몰입수엽은 효과가 있으며 학생들의 반응도 매우 긍정적이었다. 드러난 문제점으로 교사의 학생들 수준에 맞는 의사소통 능력의 부족， 고차원적인 사고 유도의 부족， 수업 중 학생들이 협력할 기회의 제공이 부족， 학생들의 의견 청취와 학생 중심의 수업 부족 등이었다.연구의 결론은 첫째， 정보통신윤리의 영어 몰입수업은 효과가 있었다. 둘째， 학생들의 반응은 매우 긍정적으로 나타났다. 셋째 정보통신윤리의 영어몰입수업에서교사의 철저한 수업계획과 자기 점검이 필요하다는 것이다.

이 글에서는 제4차 APEC 교육장관회의를 위한 사전준비 심포지엄인 2008년 1월 중국 시안회의 및 4월의 제30차 HRD WG의 EDNET 필리핀 보홀 회의 그리고 6월 페루 리마에서 개최되었던 본 회의언 제4차 APEC 교육장관회의에서 다루어졌던 의제 및 이들 관련자료，그리고 연구자의 중국 시안 회의 참여관찰 등을 바탕으로 APEC 회원국 및 우리나라의 진립기술교육현황을 살펴보고，이 분야에서의 APEC 회원국간 상호 호혜적 국제협력을 위한 시사점 및 몇가지 제안을 제시하였다. 진로/기술교육 분야에서 우리나라가 제안할 수 있는 협력 사업으로APEC HRD WG의 EDNET 진로/기술교육 분야 소그룹 회의 아래에도 특정 진로/기술교육 관련 정책에 대하여 관심이 있는 이해당사국끼리 의견 및 정보를 교환할 수 있는 온라인/오프라인 지원체제 구축과 회원국의 진로/기술교육 발전을 도모하기 위한 정기적인 진로/기술교육EXPO 개최를 제시하였다.

This article traces the evolution of the concept of self-determination from the end of World War I, through the era of decolonization, to the present day when it has become embedded in the human rights framework and, in limited circumstances, is used to justify secession. Various national and international cases are examined in analyzing the jurisprudence of self-determination, as well as the new European standards for State recognition after secession. The concept of autonomy is also examined as possibly providing a solution for disaffected minority groups within a greater territorial unit. The article then applies the self-determination and autonomy frameworks to Tibet and examines possible solutions for assessing Tibet’s international status.