This study explains the han-ok. in Gae-sung, which was antique and traditional city. In view of the fact that these were located in Gae-sung in North Korea hence direct investigate is not possible. Since there was no comprehensive study of Gaeseong han-ok, we have no choice but to rely on fragmentary records and memory of Gaeseong people. In accordance from the Japanese colonial era's surveys and sketches as well as how they were illustrated in the novel. Hark back to the peoples' thought of the han-ok years when they ran the survey in 1920s, the results were as follows: First, there are many houses so various classes in Mi-Mang. Jeon Cheo-man’s house was a representative example of a rich family in Gae-sung, Jeon Je-seong(Jeon’s 2nd son)’s house was located in Si-jeon(government licensed-markets) near by the South gate. In particular, Jeon Yi-seong(Jeon’s 3rd son)’s house was in rural areas. He managed on immense ginseng field and worker’s houses. Hae-ju's house was a small house off the track. Second, the outer house is low and the main house is high and neat. Lastly, it was confirmed that it corresponded to sketches recorded by architects, such as neat housekeeping, long stones used for various purposes, invisible flat gates, the appearance of old and old houses and the composition of each room.

This study focuses on the construction of Gyeongbokgung Palace in the second year of King Gojong's reign, which has been spotlighted for political and economic history. The author analyzed the contents of wood procurement with the Yeonggeon Diary, which records each day of construction site. The results are as follows: First, the 2nd year of King Gojong's reign, Yeonggeon of Gyeongbokgung Palace, was a new building that reflected the old system and 270 years of changed environment on the existing site. Despite the poor economic conditions, it began with years of effort and voluntary volunteer work and dedication. Second, the priority of timber transport was recruiting people in the whole process and the supply and demand of transportation tools. Carrying lumber from the mountains to the riverside and floating it at the right time were all a matter of manpower. Soldiers and carts were used to carry timber that arrived in Hangang River to the construction site. The cart was a consumable product, so it was necessary to continuously use the wood to make cart at the site. Third, fire and flood were the biggest obstacles to the Yeonggeon schedule of Gyeongbokgung Palace. Especially the fire was fatal. It was difficult to extinguish the fire in temporary structure, where was the storage for wood to construct. These disasters greatly affected the construction cost and construction period. Wood procurements of Gyeongbokgung Palace were based on public offerings. At the same time, recycled materials from other palace wood and nearby houses, nationwide buying of private mountain wood, the logging of royal tombs and some of the buildings of Gyeonghui Palace and Changgyeong Palace were relocated.

This study investigates the relationship of two architectures ‘Kim Sa-haeng’ and ‘Park Ja-cheong.’ They were the architects whose architecture were established and well known however they were not acknowledged by the people. Because they were not revealed under the large-scale national construction in complicated circumstances at home and abroad. The results were as follows; First, Kim Sa-haeng who was an overseas architect in Yuan dynasty stood out in all areas of architecture. Particularly in making royal tombs; His works were recognized as the most beautiful royal tombs ever existed and was later on followed by the Joseon dynasty. Second, Park completed the construction of Joseon's by faithfully reflecting on the discussed process of Neo-Confucian while coming after the time of the construction of Kim Sa-haeng. Third, although Kim Sa-haeng was a vassal of the Buddhist nation in Goryeo, he built the Moon-myo, a Confucian inspired temple of Joseon. Park Ja-cheong, who continued to build Kim Sa-haeng's architecture, reproduced Kim Sa-haeng's confucian's temple of Joseon dynasty while modifying it according to the situation in Joseon dynasty. The constructions of the two architects' monuments continues unabatedly. Their architecture has continued without massive changes.

This study is about the Changdeokgung Palace and detached palaces of architect Park Jacheong who was a representative supervisor having framed the palace architecture of the Joseon Dynasty. The results are as follows. First, Park Jacheong had been in charge of Changdeokgung Palace for 15 years since its founding. The palace was continued to run for the longest time and was the palace on the frame made by him for the years, so Changdeokgung Palace’s status has become as good as Gyeongbokgung Palace’s. Second, he built a lot of palaces besides Changdeokgung. They were completed about the same time in accordance with the political intentions of King Taejong. Park Jacheong was a former military officer and was well skilled in mobilization of manpower and materials by making good use of the military power. Third, the detached palaces constructed by him were located in the places where military training and testing of new weapons were possible. They were also used as sleeping, dining and office spaces. This can be regarded as a result of the tradition of the storied-pavilion that had been since the Goryeo Dynasty, with the method of approaching to the main hall of the palace.

This study is based on the 15th century’s architecture Mohwagwan and Taepyeonggwan and the architects behind it. The results were as follows: First, inline with Ming dynasty’s protocol, the King of Joseon marched with honor guard in front of his people. Therefore, the Joseon dynasty needed to match space was implemented and result in Mohwagwan and Taepyeonggwan. Second, King Taejong founded Mohwaru to share the role with Taepyeonggwan. He appropriately utilized Mohwaru as a place in manners before people enter the Seoul city wall. And He organized this architecture on the level of the palace. Third, Pak Jacheong was overseer the whole constructive process, from the selection of site, landscaping, construction, maintenance to civil engineering of Mohwaru. There are many difficulties, but he completed through the construction work owing to the protection of King Taejong. Forth, Hong Li worked with Pak Jacheong to build Taepyeonggwan and Mohwagwan from Taejong to Sejong. Supervisors in King Sejong times were required not only private capability but also understanding the Confucianism ritual. Hong Li was faithfully performed the role. Fifth, Sejong was recognized only an excellent ruler but he was also a great coordinator with a professional knowledge about architecture. These Sejong’s action fully can be seen as an architect.

This is a study on the construction of the Heungcheon-Temple. The results are follows. 1) The Heungcheon-Temple was anticipated to be the Jeongneung. However, when completed, the Heungcheon-Temple was symbolized Buddhism; moreover, there was a stupa enshrined sarira. The stupa was a land mark in Hanyang. While king Sejong repaired the stupa, it disappeared during the regin of King Jungjong. Before it disappeared the stupa signified a Buddhist event and a rite of good fortune. 2) The stupa was constructed using a double-frame, and there was a stone-stupa in an octagonal multi-layer temple. This single location consisted of a sarira space and a worship space. 3) Buddhist Relic(Sarira) worship was to witness holiness and therefore reics could be moved according to need. It appeared as though Buddhist Relic worship occurred in Southeast Asia. 4) The Heungcheon-Temple stupa was considered a new and superior architectural-symbol to comfort people and recognize the new order of Ming and neo-Confucianism. Therefore, the stupa was a good alternative to politics, religion, and external relations during the early Joseon era.

This study aims to investigate the physical characteristics and architectural ornaments of the walls (DamJang) and their bordering area that defines the Rear Garden of Changdeok-gung, one of the Royal Palaces in Seoul. This area, centered on Buyong-ji(부용지) and Aeryeon-ji(애련지), features the morphological diversity of buildings, walls, gates and stone bases in the palace. The findings are summarized as follows: First, DamJang, as a basic architectural element for the space organization, takes a set of various forms featuring different construction materials while responding positively to the physiographic nature of the surroundings; Second, DamJang along with their gates, also features different types of ornamental expressions which also suggest the hierarchy of its building and space; Third, typical of the traditional garden design in Korea are a group of DamJang standing as independent structures mostly around Buyong-ji and Aeryeon-ji whose finishing conditions also differ based on the nature of the space; Fourth, among commonly observed examples of DamJang in the Rear Garden and Changdeok-gung palace-wide, is a ‘T’ shaped wall whose heights and materials function as a design element for the garden.

This study aims to examine the early use of Da-bo tap and their transformation by analyzing the various meanings of the term pagoda in Chinese translations, the Sanskrit version of the Lotus Sutra, as well as Dabotap in the Mogao Caves of Dunhuang. In addition, we aim to highlight changes in Dabotap usage, which started out as residential spaces, but transformed into burial spaces over time. The details can be summarized as follows. First, early Buddhist monuments were usually either pagodas serving as burial places for the dead or shrines that were not. A Dabotap is a type of pagoda enshrining the body of Prabhutaratna, and was initially used as a residential space, rather than a burial place for the dead. Second, the terms stupa and caitya are clearly distinguished from each other in the Sanskrit scriptures, and stupa is also further classified into dhatu, sarisa, and atmabhava based on the object being enshrined. In Gyeon-bo-tab-pum, the preconditions for caitya to transform into stupa is presented by explaining that worshipping the space enshrining the body of Prabhutaratna is worthy of the same status as the space enshrining sarira. Third, the Mogao Caves of Dunhuang had been depicted from the Western Wei of the Northern Dynasties until the time of the Yuan Dynasty. It was used as a residential space until the early Sui Dynasty, but was used as both residence and burial places until the Tang Dynasty when pagodas were first being constructed with wheel or circles forms on top, which then gradually changed into stupa (grave towers).

This study aims to investigate the architectural characteristics of the Da-bo stupa by examining the correlation among architectural languages and by studying the features of its architectural components and transitional changes shown in Da-bo stupa line drawings in Dunhuang Mogao Grottes. The results are as follows. 1st, the Da-bo stupa of Dunhuang faithfully follows the sutra of lotus, and although the form changes, the fundamental essence of Bo-tap-yong-chul and two seated Buddhas provided by the Gyun-bo-tap-pum in the sutra of lotus is consistent. 2nd, the pagoda body can be periodically divided into parasol, stupa, and royal palace types. The parasol type has an incomplete tower body, which makes distinguishing each of its architectural components difficult. The stupa type appeared between the early (AD 618–712) and middle (AD 766–835) Tang dynasty. It combines the form of Indian stupa type and East Asian wood structural architecture. The royal palace type, which appeared between the peak period of the Tang (713–765) and Sung Dynasties, shows the standardized pattern of the Da-bo stupa described as two seated Buddhas and Bo-tap-yong-chul. 3rd, the use of a stylobate does not appear in the early construction of Da-bo stupa, only in the later period, in the form of high pillars. Forms include many Su-mi-jwah and three-way stairways and Dab-do, but as time passes, the forms are simplified to the form of high pillars. 4th, the purpose of early Da-bo stupa was to provide space for Da-bo-yu-rae of Gyun-bo-tap-pum; hence, it did not have sangryoon(the top part). However, after it was influenced by general pagodas, sangryoon was established. Toward the Tang Dynasty, sangryoon has come to emphasize the forms of boryoon(nine wheels) or dome. However, this form is eventually simplified to only retain bo-joo(the orb).

포유류에서 옥시토신은 다양한 기능을 가지고 있는 신경뇌하수체 호르몬이다. 옥시토신은 주로 젖의 분비를 일으키고 분만 시 자궁의 수축 및 모성 행동과 관계가 있다. 모성 행동은 스트레스에 의해 억압을 받으며 옥시토신에 의해 촉진된다. 본 연구는 제왕절개의 스트레스와 자궁내 옥시투여에 따른 모성 행동의 변화를 알아보기 위해 수행되었다. 본 실험 결과, 자연 분만 예에서 스트레스를 준 개체와 스트레스를 주지 않은 개체에서 새끼의 생존율을 비교한 결과, 스트레

폴리설폰 중공사막에 대한 산소와 질소의 투과도에 미치는 수분의 영향에 대한 실험을 수행하였다. 상대습도가 증가할수록 수분을 함유한 산소와 질소의 투과도는 감소하였따. 공급압력 3 kgf/cm2와 온도 30℃에서, 상대습도 100% 인 산소의 투과도는 건조산소의 투과도보다 20%만큼 감소하였으며, 질소는 14%만틈 감소하였다. 수분을 gkadmb한 산소의 투과도는 운전시간이 경과함에 따라 단조하게 감소하여 정상상태에 도달하였다. 그러나, 질소의 투과도는 일시적으로 증가하였다가 감소하여 정상상태에 도달하였다.

산소농축공기 제조용 폴리설폰 실관막에 대한 산소.질소의 수착 및 투과실험을 수행하였다. 폴리설폰 실관막에 대한 산소의 수착량이 질소의 수착량보다. 1.5배 ~2 배 높았다. 저압영역(약 3 kgf/cm2이하) 에서는 Henry-type 수착량 (CD)이 전체수착량의 약 15% 이었으며, Langmuir 수착이 약 85%이었다. 고압영역(약 3 kgF/cm2이상)에서는 Langmuir 수착은 거의 포화되어 일정한 값에 도달하였으며, Henry 용해에 의한 수착(CD = kD.p) 의 증가에 의하여 전체 수착량이 증가하였다. 산소와 질소의 수착은 dual-mode sorption 모델을 만족시켰다. 산소의 투과 활성화에너지(Ep)가 질소보다 컸고, 이상분리인자 (O2/N2)는 2~4를 나타내었으나 , 혼합물의 실제 분리인자는 1.7 ~2.2로 낮아졌다.

본 연구에서는 중소하천수계에서 수문학적 예측을 위하여 Hybrid Neural Networks의 일종인 반경기초함수(RBF) 신경망모형이 적용되었다. RBF 신경망모형은 4종류의 매개변수로 구성되어 있으며, 지율 및 지도훈련과정으로 이루어져있다. 반경기초함수로서 가우스핵함수(GKF)가 이용되었으며, GKF의 매개변수인 중심과 폭은 K-Means 군집알고리즘에 의해 최적화 된다. 그리고 RBF 신경망모형의 매개변수인 중심, 폭, 연결강도와 편차벡터는 훈련