한국은 역사적으로 아주 오랜 시간 중국과 교류하며 정치, 경제, 사회, 문화 전반에 걸쳐 많은 영향을 주고받았다. 이에 국가 차원의 중국어 교 육 역시 한반도 역사와 궤를 같이한다고 볼 수 있다. 그러나 지금까지 국내에서 진행된 현대 중국어 교육 및 교육과정과 관련한 연구는 대개 1990년대 제6, 7차 교육과정 이후에 초점을 맞추고 있으며, 초창기 교육 과정에서의 중국어 교육 도입과 발전 과정에 관한 연구는 극히 드물다. 이에 본고는 1945년 해방 이후 “신조선의 조선인을 위한 교육방침” 발 표에서부터 1953년 휴전 협정 이후 본격적으로 정립되기 시작한 “제1차 교육과정”을 두루 살피며 현대 중국어 교육의 도입 배경과 발전 과정을 분석하였다. 이를 통해, 현대 교육과정에서의 중국어 교육이 가지는 의미 와 필요성을 다시금 상기하고 변화하는 시대에 대응할 수 있는 중국어 교육의 발전 방향에 대해 논의하였다. 제2외국어 교육은 단순히 선택과 목, 교양과목의 의미를 넘어 심화되어가는 세계화와 정보화 사회 속에서 소통과 교류를 위한 핵심 역량 함양의 근간이라 할 수 있다. 본 논문이 중국어 교육을 비롯한 국내 외국어 교육 발전에 작게나마 기여할 수 있 길 바란다.

This research was undertaken to examine Masan’s regional food service industry, which experienced drastic changes due to liberation and the Korean war. Analysis of restaurant advertisements in ‘Masanilbo’ revealed a total of 92 restaurants during this period. The numbers of restaurants classified by the time periods are 18 (1946 to 1950), 27 (1951 to 1955), 17 (1956 to 1960), and 30 (1961 to 1966). ‘Gomguk’ gained popularity in the early 1900s and became a speciality of Masan, resulting in the appearance of numerous Gomguk restaurant advertisements. After independence, Japanese foods were predominant in Masan since the population was used to eating Japanese dishes during the colonial era. Moreover, there was a major influence of the people who returned to the homeland. Masan was the place for refugees during the 6.25 war, resulting in the popularity of ‘Naengmyeon’; advertisements largely displayed ‘Pyeongyangnaengmyeon’ during the early 1950s, and ‘Hamheungnaengmyeon’ during the early 1960s. Western food advertisements usually introduced ‘Dongaseu’ and ‘Kareraiseu’, which were deeply influenced by Japanese culture. These various contributions resulted in alterations in the food menu, such as the rise of fusion food which is not bound to any nation, spread of Japanese food culture, and popularity of ‘Naengmyeon’.

This paper is to study the missionary reflection of social service mission in Korea church after the 1945 liberation of Korea. When reflecting social service of Korea churches according to the historical features, it could be divided as before and after the 1945 liberation of Korea. The social service before the liberation could be summed up as ‘un-structural service period’ that had been conducted to Korean people in poverty, diseases and ignorance during the beginning of mission by the missionaries. The other could be summarized as ‘structural service period’ that is recognized the ideological conflict and the suffering from the division of Korea into north and south and the Korean war and ‘holistic service period’ that tried to avoid a crisis into social service mission as Korea churches in quantitative growth were experiencing stagnation. The mission before the l945 liberation was an education and a medical service as the approaching method in Korean society. But those services were one method for evangelism because they were based on conservatism theology of early missionaries. So, there was no missio-theological reflection for the extension of God’s Kingdom that Jesus Christ proclaimed in the world. Therefore early Korean churches are ‘un-structural service period’ that emphasizes only individual's spiritual salvation in the absence of society. During the Japanese colonial period social service of Korea church was ‘solidarity period’ that tried to find a clue of national problem solution from a rural community movement. Korean churches in the 1920s began to recognize social salvation and the world’s structural problems. The rural community movement also developed actively for about 10 years from the 1920s to the mid of 1930s, but it should be stopped due to the oppression in and out of church in the late 1930s. Even though there were many believers who died of dire persecution, many main religious associations in Korea found the way to live in sympathy with the visit of Japan’s shrine. After the 1945 liberation Koreans experienced both the joy of liberation from Japan and fratricidal war. In this period the duty of Korea churches was to save Clients in want and received financial support from the western churches because of economical poverty and impoverishment. And the April 19 pro-democracy movement in 1960 was happened due to the political corruption, but the democratization retreated because of the May 16 military coup in 1961. Industrialization and urbanization are promoted as focusing on the economic development, and UIM that helps the human rights abuses of workers origins. In this period Korean churches begin to open their eyes about the evil of social structure and illegality and corruption stemming from the huge gap forming between the rich and the poor, materialism and the negligence of humanity. So this is ‘structural service period,’ for Korean churches that are focusing on the individual’s spiritual salvation become to recognize the evil of social structure and injustice as mission work. Finally, since Korean churches after the 1970s are interested in the church’s growth and expansion, they are not into social service. The economic growth by the military regime caused trouble such as the gap between the rich and the poor, environmental disruption and materialism and formed urban slums. And also Korean churches that disregard these problems are contaminated by growth-oriented theology, but they surprisingly growed with the military regime. In this period the large scale gathering and revival are lively held, and churches closely cooperate in turning the concern about human rights and democratization into individual’s spirit salvation and blessing. As a result, Korean churches after the 1990s have been put aside in the society and stagnated constantly. Now Korean churches stand in between temptation of growth and responsibility of social service. The early Korean churches created the way to mission through social service building up many hospitals and schools as a method of evangelism. Therefore, Korean churches should revive a tradition of holistic mission with both evangelism and social responsibility.

배은희 목사는 대한제국 말기에 기독교로 개종하여 숭덕학교를 운영하다 한일합병당시에 투옥되는 경험을 하였다. 이 투옥의 경험이 그의 독립운동의 씨앗이 되었다. 그는 3.1운동에 가담하였고 1919년 10월에 임시정부를 지원하는 장로교 목회자 중심의 독립운동 조직인 대한국민회에 평의원으로 참여하였다. 그는 1921년부터 전주 서문외교회에서 사역을 하면서 유치원, 숭덕학교, 여성야학을 운영하였고 1927년 전주 신간회 회장을 하였으며, 1929년부터는 독신자선교회와 협동조합운동을 통해 농촌문제를 해결하고자 하였다. 일제가 신사참배를 강요할 때 반대하다 투옥당하기도 하였다. 해방 후 그는 전주에서 임시시국대책위원회와 전주청년단을 조직하여 치안유지활동을 하였다. 그는 12월 28일 이후 반탁운동이 벌어지자 전주를 중심으로 이승만이 조직했던 독립촉성중앙협의회의 지부들을 조직하여 반탁운동에 참여하였고, 1946년 1월 13일에 전북지부를 조직하였다. 전북대표로 활동하며 2월 8일에 독촉국민회가 조직될 때 5명의 고문 아래 있는 18명으로 구성된 참여의 구성원이 되었다. 그는 독촉국민회에 가담한 이후에 이승만의 반탁활동을 적극적으로 지원하였고 1947년 10월에 부회장으로 선출되었다. 그는 1947년 7월에는 이승만의 승인을 받아 민족대표자대회를 조직하였고 김구의 비상국민회의와 통합하고자 노력하였다. 그러나 비상국민회의는 임정의 법통론을 주장하였던 반면에 민족대표자회의는 총선거를 통한 정부수립을 주장하여 통합에 실패하였다. 통합에 난항을 겪자 민족대표자대회와 독촉국민회가 연합하여 총선거를 통한 정부수립을 적극적으로 추진하고 나섰고, 배은희는 총선거 실시를 위한 중심인물로 활동하였다. 배은희는 총선거를 통한 정부수립운동을 추진했던 이승만의 정책에 독촉국민회와 민족대표자대회를 통해 가장 적극적으로 지지했던 목회자였다.