장자는 백가쟁명의 산물로서, 각 편의 작자들은 주로 유가와 묵가를 동 시에 비판하면서 자신들의 이념을 선양하였다. 장자학파에서 보기에 제자백 가는 모두 윤리적 가치판단과 논리적 시비판단의 측면에서 부분만 보고 전체 를 보지 못한 방술(方術)에 불과한 것이다. 이에 당시 일반화된 이상적 인간상 가운데 특히 “인의”(仁義) 관념에 기초한 “군자”와 “성인” 관념을 비판하는 동 시에 개념의 수정과 확대를 통하여 재정립을 도모하였다. 장자학파는 기본적 으로 언어적 표현을 인위적 산물로 배척하면서도 자신들의 “주장”을 드러내 기 위해서는 부득이 메타언어를 활용하지 않을 수 없었다. 따라서 외편과 잡 편에서 제가를 비판하는 과정에 원용되는 “성인”(聖人) 개념은 비판과 긍정의 이중성을 보인다. 반면에 내편의 우화에서는 장자학파의 이상적 인간상으로 정립되어 “지인”(至人)이나 “신인”(神人)과 대등한 개념으로 활용되고 있다. 장자의 외편과 잡편에서는 “성인”과 마찬가지로 “지인”이나 “신인” 관념 또한 현실과 일정한 관계를 유지하고 있다. 우리는 모두 이상과 현실을 동시 에 향유하며 살아간다. 현실 속의 인간은 주어진 조건, 莊子에 보이는 의미에서의 “천명”으로 인하여 여러 가지 형태의 “유대”(有待)를 벗어날 수 없기 때문이다. 그러기에 “무대”(無待)의 이상적 인간형의 처세 방식 또한 “무기”(無 己), “무공”(無功), “무명”(無名) 등으로 다양하게 표현된 것으로 이해된다. 일상 인에게는 “유대”로 평가된 송영자(宋榮子)와 열자(列子)의 처세 방식 또한 어 려운 일이다. 따라서 장자를 “자연주의”로 비판한 순자는 오히려 자연과 인위 의 구분을 명확히 하는 사람을 “지인”이라고 칭하였다. 장자학파의 역설적 논리에 근거하면 꿈을 도모하는 것 또한 자연스러운 것 이 아니라 오히려 인위적일 수밖에 없다. 이에 이상과 현실의 상호 괴리를 경 계하면서 “진인”으로 대표되는 현실적으로도 바람직한 처세를 유지할 수 있 는 인간상을 제시한 것으로 보인다. 따라서 후세의 도교에서 “진인”이 대표적 인간상으로 정립된 것은 도가의 “무위자연”의 관념이 현실적 인간의 “불로장 생”으로 바뀐 데 연유하는 바 클 것이다.

This study researches the restaurant industry in Seoul during the late 1940s. The research was based on the four major newspapers in Korea. The data included a total of 227 businesses with 164 non-fusion restaurants that served single-nation type food consisting of 101 Korean, 31 Western, 20 Japanese, and 12 Chinese. Some examples of South Korean dishes are Masan, Daegu, and Jeolla-do-style local foods. As for North Korean food, Pyongyang-style bulgogi, Naengmyeon, Hamheung-style janggukbap, and Gaejangguk were introduced frequently. Chinese restaurants that appeared were highend places with Beijing-style cuisine. In the case of Japanese restaurants, they mostly had Sukiyaki with Joseon food served as well. Moreover, Western restaurants were fusioned with Japanese as in pork cutlet and curry rice. Others are comprised of “French Cuisine”, “Indian curry rice”, “Steak”, and “Russian soup”. This analysis indicates that foreign cuisines had actively entered the market.

This study examines the trend of research on food and culture in papers published in the Journal of The Korean Society of Food Culture from 1986 to 2020. The journals published a total of 329 papers, which we classified into 5 main categories and 13 middle categories. Of these, 204 articles were on “Korean traditional food culture.” The most studied topic in the entire period was “Perception of Koreans towards traditional food, preference, satisfaction, and usage.” A total of 76 studies related to “Korean contemporary food culture.” The most advanced topic researched concerned “Recognition and attitude”; these studies were consistently carried out throughout the research period. The main classification of “World food culture” encompassed 32 studies, with major research focused on “World's Modern Food Culture” and the most advanced being “Comparison of Food Cultures of Foreign and Korean Food Cultures.” All studies were consistently spaced out during the study period. These studies provide an integrated knowledge in the field of food and culture and can be used as a basic material for related research in the future.

The purpose of this study is to examine the changes in the Masan region’s restaurant industries from the late 1960s to the early 1980s. Within this period, there were 1,597 numbers of restaurants found in ‘Masansanggongmyeonggam’. During the same period, 313 restaurants appeared in the ‘Gyeongnamsinmun’ restaurant advertisements. The characteristics of the restaurant industry in Masan during this period are as follows. In Korean food, meat menus such as ‘Bulgogi’ became popular, and local foods such as ‘Masan Aguijjim’, ‘Kkosirak’, ‘Hoebaekban’, and ‘Jinjubibimbap’ were commercialized. Due to the government's ‘Punshik Changny-ö’ policy, the flour food became popular and the number of Chinese restaurants rapidly increased. New western foods were also introduced, such as hamburger and pizza. Grilled whole chicken at ‘Yeongyangcenter’ became popular, and the emergence of ‘Food Department Store’. These new changes were introduced so quickly that there was almost no time difference with the metropolitan area, and it is thought that this is because the young people who moved in as the Masan area was industrialized actively accepted the new changes.

This research was undertaken to examine Masan’s regional food service industry, which experienced drastic changes due to liberation and the Korean war. Analysis of restaurant advertisements in ‘Masanilbo’ revealed a total of 92 restaurants during this period. The numbers of restaurants classified by the time periods are 18 (1946 to 1950), 27 (1951 to 1955), 17 (1956 to 1960), and 30 (1961 to 1966). ‘Gomguk’ gained popularity in the early 1900s and became a speciality of Masan, resulting in the appearance of numerous Gomguk restaurant advertisements. After independence, Japanese foods were predominant in Masan since the population was used to eating Japanese dishes during the colonial era. Moreover, there was a major influence of the people who returned to the homeland. Masan was the place for refugees during the 6.25 war, resulting in the popularity of ‘Naengmyeon’; advertisements largely displayed ‘Pyeongyangnaengmyeon’ during the early 1950s, and ‘Hamheungnaengmyeon’ during the early 1960s. Western food advertisements usually introduced ‘Dongaseu’ and ‘Kareraiseu’, which were deeply influenced by Japanese culture. These various contributions resulted in alterations in the food menu, such as the rise of fusion food which is not bound to any nation, spread of Japanese food culture, and popularity of ‘Naengmyeon’.

This study reviewed the literature on the changes in Maekjeok, Seoryamyeok and Neobiani. Choi Nam-sun first mentioned the Maekjeok in「Maeilsinbo」 as a “Buyeo·Goguryeo” style meat roast in 1937. Maekjeok was assumed to be made of various kinds of meat, including wild boars, and it was seasoned and baked as a whole. Seoryamyeok is a royal food found in Uigwe of the Joseon Dynasty and meat that was also eaten in the private sector. In 1609, the ingredients for the dish were pork, but beef was later used. The recipe has been simplified since the 19th century. Neobiani is known as royal cuisine, but it does not appear in official records. The first known record thus far is ‘Neobiani’ in「Siuijeonseo」. On the other hand, ‘Neobuhalmi’ which was presumed to be the same food as ‘Neobiani’, was found in a「Dictionnaire Coreen- Francais」(1880). In addition, ‘Neobiani’ was found in「A Korean-English dictionary」(1897). From Maekjeok, followed by Seoryamyeok and Neobiani, Korean roasting meat culture has a common feature of roasting pre-sauced meat, and this trait has continued to bulgogi.

This study was conducted to track the appearance of Aguijjim and its popularity on the national level. Furthermore, changes in the monkfish recipe and how they impacted the consumption of monkfish were investigated. It is assumed that monkfish was consumed by Japanese in Korea during the Japanese colonial era. After liberation, people cooked the fish as soup. In the 1960s, Aguijjim was invented in Masan. There is great controversy regarding how the dish was born. It has been asserted that it was created by one specific person, that refugees with insufficient food developed, and that it is just an advancement of Bugeojjim. Aguijjim restaurants began to appear in Seoul in the 1970s, and in the 1990s streets full of Aguijjim restaurants formed. Moreover, popular music and literature referenced Aguijjim in the late 1990s. As Aguijjim has developed and the formation of Aguijjim street have combined, the consumption of monkfish has increased drastically, leading to its import. As cooking methods have transformed, the fish with the unpleasant look which was thrown out in the past, have dramatically gained public interest. ‘Masan Aguijjim’ became an independent brand that represents a local food that has also been nationalized in a short amount of time.

This study was conducted to examine the 2nd broadcasting cooking program of Gyeongseong Radio from April 26th 1933, when the 2nd broadcasting for Koreans started, to December 1941. From its opening date, there were continuously regular cooking programs such as ‘Recipes’ and introducing ‘Japchae’. Analysis of names broadcasted in cooking programs included a total of 452 foods (328 types); specifically, 332 Korean foods, 71 Western foods, 24 Japanese foods, 18 Chinese foods, and seven other foods. Korean foods included 35 staple foods, 223 side dishes, 64 deserts, and 11 sauces. Western foods included seven soups, 25 main dishes, and 25 deserts. Main dishes included many deep-fried dishes, while diverse types of desserts were also introduced. In the case of Japanese food, there were many foods combined with Western food. Chinese food included many types of dumplings and fried rice, as well as many dishes using pork. Among people broadcasting cooking programs, there were 11 whose names were shown in the schedule, all of whom were recognized as the best cooking specialists and educators of the time.

The purpose of this study was to systematically analyze relevant research and examine research trends through metaanalysis of 154 theses related to native local foods published in a representative food and nutrition journal. As subject regions, Gyeongsang-do was the most common (70), and especially, Andong had 19 theses. Regarding the research topic, until the early 2000s, most research focused on ‘native local foods itself’. After 2005, there was a remarkable increase in research on people’s ‘perception/use’ of native local foods as well as on ‘development/application’ based on native local foods since 2010. Among theses on native local foods, there was a lot of research on ‘quality characteristics’ mainly using the quantitative research method, and most research was on desserts. Among theses on perception/use, there were lots of theses on ‘awareness, satisfaction, and preference’ focusing on questionnaires targeting local residents. Among theses on development/application, the noticeable research trend of ‘tourism commercialization of native local foods’ was the active development of food and menus using storytelling.

The purpose of this study was to discuss how ‘milk’ was produced and supplied introduced and spread in the modern Joseon period. Condensed milk and powdered milk were mainly consumed in Joseon during the Japanese colonial period since they could be conveniently preserved for a long time, although raw milk was also produced and consumed. For areas adjacent to farms, milk delivery service was offered while areas with great consumption received an additional supply from different areas by rail. Since no manufacturing plants were operational in Korea, condensed milk and powdered milk consumed in Joseon had to be imported. In the case of condensed milk, when production in Japan increased, extra supply was aggressively sent into their colony, Joseon. The ‘Gyeongseong Milk Association’ founded in 1937 is considered significant in that it led to standardization of the production system and prices as well as pasteurization of milk. In the late Japanese colonial era, milk production and consumption were controlled. As milk was purchased as a war supply, the milk consumption market became distorted and limited

This research investigated changes in Joseon food culture mainly focusing on acceptance of Western food in the enlightenment period. Joseon intended to learn the advanced technology of the West. Through an exchange with various Western countries, the royal family and upper class of Joseon rapidly accepted foreign food and food culture. As hotels were built in Incheon and Seoul, foreign food became more widely provided, which spread to the public, accordingly, and Western style restaurants were built and spread to the Busan area besides Seoul. As Western food rapidly spread, concerns arose. Particularly, after an attempt to assassinate Gojong by inserting poison into his coffee in 1898, appeals were made concerning Western food “that should not be consumed, because it is not proper for Korean people's intestines and stomach”.

1. 서론 산림생태계내 토양호흡은 크게 미생물호흡과 뿌리호흡 으로 구분할 수 있으며(Hanson et al., 2000), 토양생물과 뿌리의 활동을 나타내는 지표가 된다(Coleman, 1973). 산 림생태계의 순생태계생산량은 순일차생산량와 미생물 호 흡에 의해 결정되므로, 순생태계생산량을 측정하기 위해서 는 미생물호흡과 뿌리호흡의 정확한 추정이 중요하다(Lee et al., 2003). 그러나, 전체 토양호흡에 대한 미생물호흡과 뿌리호흡의 기여율을 정확히 파악하는 것이 어렵기 때문에 (Hanson et al., 2000) 전체 토양호흡 중 발생원별 토양호흡 이 차지하는 기여율에 대한 국내의 연구는 미흡한 실정이 다. 본 연구는 국내 산림의 주종을 이루고 있는 상수리나무 림에서 미생물호흡량, 뿌리호흡량을 측정하고 전체 토양호 흡 중 발생원별 토양호흡이 차지하는 비율을 파악하여 산림 생태계내 탄소 순환의 이해를 돕기 위한 기초 자료를 얻는 데 그 목적이 있다. 2. 조사방법 1) 낙엽생산 낙엽생산을 통해 임상으로 유입되는 유기탄소량을 정량 하기 위해 2010년 4월말에 공주시 인근의 상수리나무림내 입구의 넓이가 0.5㎡의 낙엽수거기 10개를 설치하였다. 낙 엽수거기에 연간 회수된 낙엽의 건중량을 기초로 하여 단위 면적(ha)당 낙엽생산량을 계산하였으며, 연간 임상으로 유 입되는 유기탄소량은 낙엽생산량에 유기탄소 함량을 적용 하여 계산하였다. 2) 발생원별 CO2 발생량 측정 발생원별 CO2 발생량을 구분하기 위해 단근처리법을 이 용하여 2009년 11월에 상수리나무림내 방형구(2m×2m) 3 개를 설치하고 방형구내 지피식생을 모두 제거한 후 잘려진 뿌리 분해 및 토양 교란 요인에 의한 영향을 최소화하기 위해 6개월간의 안정화 기간을 거친 후 2012년 5월부터 CO2 발생량을 측정하였다. 발생원별 CO2 발생량은 휴대용 적외선 가스 분석기(IRGA; EGM-4 PP system, UK)를 이 용하여 측정하였으며, 2012년 5월부터 2012년 4월까지 토 양호흡구(Soil respiration plot, n=10), 미생물호흡구 (Microbial respiration plot, n=3)에서 매달 2주에 한번씩 측정하였다. 산림생태계가 안정화 상태일 경우 낙엽생산으로 임상내 유입되는 유기탄소량과 지상부 낙엽(임상 유기물)의 분해 를 통해 대기중으로 방출되는 유기탄소량과 동일하다고 가 정을 하고, 조사기간 동안 임상으로 유입되는 유기탄소량을 임상으로부터 분해에 의해 대기중으로 방출되는 유기탄소 량으로 추정하였다. 뿌리호흡을 통해 대기중으로 방출되는 유기탄소량은 토양 호흡구와 미생물 호흡구에서 측정한 CO2 발생량의 차이로 계산하였다. 또한, 전체 토양호흡을 통해 방출되는 유기탄소량에 낙엽생산으로 인해 임상으로 유입되는 유기탄소량과 뿌리호흡을 통해 방출되는 유기탄 소량을 뺀 값을 지하부 유기물(토양 유기물)의 분해에 의해 대기중으로 방출되는 유기탄소량으로 계산하였다(Sulzman et al., 2005) 3) 유기탄소 분석 및 통계 분석 수거한 낙엽은 잎, 목질부, 생식기관, 기타로 분류한 후 60℃ 건조기에서 건조시켜 칭량한 후 유기탄소 분석에 사 용하였다. 식물체내 유기탄소 함량은 작열소실법을 통해 소 실계수를 적용하여 계산하였다. 토양 온도는 T&D Thermo Recorder (TR-71U)를 사용하여 조사기간 동안 토양층 5㎝ 및 15㎝ 깊이에서 1시간 간격으로 측정하였다. 토양호흡에 영향을 주는 토양 온도와의 관계는 상관분석과 희귀분석을 실시하였으며, 토양 온도와 토양 호흡량과의 관계를 나타낼때 널리 쓰이는 토양 온도 민감도(Q10)를 구하기 위해 지수 함수식을 이용하여 희귀분석한 후 그 모형으로부터 산출하였다. 3. 결과 및 고찰 조사기간 동안 매 분기별 임상층내 낙엽량 및 유기탄소량 의 경우 조사시기별 유의한 차이가 나타나지 않았다. 이에 낙엽생산으로 임상내 유입되는 유기탄소량이 지상부 유기 물의 분해에 의해서 대기중으로 방출되는 유기탄소량과 동 일하다는 가정하에 지상부 유기물 분해가 전체 토양호흡 중 차지하는 비율은 20.28±2.06%로 나타났다. 조사기간 동안 전체 토양 호흡 중 미생물 호흡과 뿌리 호흡을 통해 대기중으로 방출되는 연평균 유기탄소은 각각 8.02±0.52, 3.52±0.93 ton C ha-1 yr-1 로 나타났다. 지수함수 관계에서 추정된 전체 토양 호흡, 미생물 호흡, 뿌리 호흡의 토양온도 민감도(Q10)는 각각 2.53, 2.94, 2.04로 미생물 호 흡의 토양 온도 민감도가 전체 토양 호흡과 뿌리 호흡에 비하여 높게 나타났다. 전체 토양 호흡량과 미생물 호흡량 의 차이로 추정한 뿌리 호흡의 전체 토양 호흡에 대한 기여 도는 30.50± 6.98%, 지하부 유기물(토양 유기물)의 분해에 의해 대기중으로 방출되는 유기탄소의 경우 전체 토양 호흡 에 49.22±9.04%를 기여하는 것으로 나타났다.

국가장기생태 연구사업의 일환으로 낙엽활엽수인 신갈나무와 상록침엽수인 소나무 낙엽의 분해율 및 분해과정에 따른 영양염류 함량 변화를 파악하였다. 이를 위해 2005년 12월 월악산의 신갈나무림과 소나무림에 낙엽주머니를 설치하고 2006년 3월부터 2011년 9월까지 69개월간 3개월 간격으로 낙엽주머니를 수거하여 분해율, 분해상수(k), 그리고 분해과정에 따른 C/N비, C/P비의 변화와 영양염류의 동태를 조사하였다. 분해 69개월경과 후 신갈나무와 소나무 낙엽의 잔존률은 각각 35.4±2.3%와 16.1±1.3%로 소나무 낙엽의 분해가 신갈나무 낙엽의 분해보다 빠르게 진행되는 것으로 나타났다. 분해 69개월경과 후 신갈나무 낙엽과 소나무 낙엽의 분해상수(k)는 각각 5.97과 10.50으로 소나무 낙엽의 분해상수가 높게 나타났다. 신갈나무 낙엽의 분해과정에 따른 C/N, C/P 비율은 초기에 각각 43.1, 543.9이었으나 69개월경과 후에는 각각 8.7과 141.2로 점차 감소하였으며, 소나무 낙엽의 경우 초기 C/N, C/P 비율은 각각 151.2와 391.4로 나타났고, 분해 69개월경과 후에는 각각 22.9와 136.5로 나타났다. 낙엽의 초기 N, P, K, Ca, Mg의 함량은 신갈나무 낙엽에서 각각 9.30, 0.23, 2.36, 3.14, 1.11mg/g, 소나무 낙엽에서 각각 3.02, 0.09, 1.00, 3.84, 0.62mg/g으로 신갈나무 낙엽에서 질소와 인의 함량이 현저히 높았다. 분해 69개월경과 후 N, P, K, Ca, Mg의 잔존률은 신갈나무 낙엽에서 각각 73.8, 60.9, 17.2, 20.3, 35.1%, 소나무 낙엽에서 각각 69.5, 75.3, 12.3, 10.9, 10.8%로 나타났다.

PURPOSES : To operate more efficient traffic management system, it is utmost important to detect the change in congestion level on a freeway segment rapidly and reliably. This study aims to develop classification method of congestion change type. METHODS: This research proposes two classification methods to capture the change of the congestion level on freeway segments using the dedicated short range communication (DSRC) data and the vehicle detection system (VDS) data. For developing the classification methods, the decision tree models were employed in which the independent variable is the change in congestion level and the covariates are the DSRC and VDS data collected from the freeway segments in Korea. RESULTS : The comparison results show that the decision tree model with DSRC data are better than the decision tree model with VDS data. Specifically, the decision tree model using DSRC data with better fits show approximately 95% accuracies. CONCLUSIONS : It is expected that the congestion change type classified using the decision tree models could play an important role in future freeway traffic management strategy.

The purpose of this study is to examine the Western perspective on the food and food culture of Modern Times in Korea (from the late of Joseon Dynasty until Japanese colonial era). Literature and written records were analyzed. This analysis revealed that the heart of the mill in this period involved rice, and that a common beverage was sungnyung made from boiled scorched rice (in contrast to tea as the common beverage in Japan or China). The most important subsidiary food in Joseon was vegetables, especially Kimchi. Westerners viewed Kimchi as a smell symbolizing Joseon and their meal times. Even though both Kimchi and cheese are fermented food, just like Westerners could not stand the smell of Kimchi, Koreans viewed the smell of cheese unpleasant. Westerners viewed German sauerkraut as Western food counterpart to Kimchi, as sauerkraut is also fermented food made of cabbage. Regarding the eating of dog meat in Joseon, most Westerners viewed it as brutal; however some interpreted it as a difference in food culture. In addition, the eating of raw fish and its intestines felt crude to Westerners. The biggest difference between Joseon's food and Western food was that Joseon had no dairy products and no sugar. The most highly preferred fruit for Westerners was the persimmon, and ginseng was already widely recognized and recorded as a medicinal plant. Joseon's desserts were also favorably evaluated. In contrast, the excessive gluttony, heavy drinking, and unsanitary conditions in Joseon were problems pointed out in many records.

공주 근교의 상수리나무림을 대상으로 단근처리 방법을 적용하여 토양호흡량에 대한 뿌리호흡량의 기여율을 파악하였다. 토양호흡구(control plot)와 미생물호흡구(trenched plot)를 설치하고 2011년 6월부터 2012년 5월까지 IRGA 토양호흡측정기를 사용하여 CO2발생량을 측정하였다. CO2발생량은 하절기에 증가한 후 동절기에 감소하는 경향을 보였다. 토양호흡구와 미생물호흡구의 CO2발생량은 8월에 가장 높았으며, 이때 토양호흡구와 미생물호흡구의 CO2발생량은 각각 1.345, 0.897g CO2 m-2 hr-1로 토양호흡구에 비해 미생물호흡구에서 33.31% 낮게 나타났다(P〈0.05). CO2발생량은 1월에 가장 낮았으며, 이때 토양호흡구와 미생물호흡구에서 각각 0.097, 0.032g CO2 m-2 hr-1로 토양호흡구에 비해 미생물호흡구에서 67.01% 낮게 나타났다(P〈0.01). 연간 CO2발생량은 토양호흡구와 미생물호흡구에서 각각 4.320, 2.834kg CO2 m-2 yr-1로 나타났다. CO2발생량은 토양호흡구와 미생물호흡구에서 토양온도와 높은 상관관계가 있었다. 토양호흡구와 미생물호흡구간의 CO2발생량 차이로 추정한 뿌리호흡량은 토양호흡량 중 약 34.40%를 차지하는 것으로 나타났다.