Although relationships among the former belligerent parties of the Korean War have changed drastically over the decades, the parties still remain under the armistice system because the Korean War is not over legally. The primary purpose of this research is to analyze questions related to the Chinese People’s Volunteer Army in the Korean War from an international legal perspective. As a new topic, this is intended to be a precautionary examination of an issue that could haunt the eventual process of peacemaking on the Korean peninsula. The main text of this article consists of three parts. The first examines whether the Chinese People’s Volunteer Army’s entering the Yalu River was self-defense under Article 51 of the UN Charter. The second part covers various legal questions relating to armed hostilities in the Korean War under international law. The third part discusses the legal questions around an armistice negotiation.

This article is to review the change of perception of Japanese Army on the public after Russo-Japanese War and its impact on military training system. I Keywords: Total War, military training, mobilization, Training for youths- Japanese War and World War I. Tanaka has been deeply interested in the relationship of between the public and the army earlier on. He regarded the army as a school to train ‘good citizens’ and is also interested in training of young people. After World War I, the thought of Total War System was more and more shaped up in Japan and the efforts to inspire it to the public through trainings were made. Especially the army implemented the military training sessions in all the schools as well as established “Training Institutes for youths” for non-school youth in order to get more suitable citizens for the army. These ideology educations enabled reformation of the public, and which effected positively to build Total War System lead mainly by the army later on.

The aim of this article is to analyze how the characters of Tolstoy's novel War and Peace experience the death of the others. After the death of his wife, Andrey feels very guilty, for he abandoned her, preferring his social ambition to the happiness of his family. Andrey's life in seclusion is the means by which he punishes himself and is itself his social and spiritual death. He is called again to life only after he meets Natasha, the symbol and embodiment of life in this novel. Maria goes through the process of grief after her father's death. Retrospection tums out to be a vital element in the process of grief. After she successfully detaches herself from her deceased father, she meets Nicholas, her future husband and she returns to a normal life. Another heroine of the novel, Natasha also undergoes the process of grief after the death of Andrey, her former fiancé. But life brings her back to itself by arousing love towards her family in her. Pierre learns from Karataev the lesson that everything happens according to God's will or fate and one must receive everything as it happens. He receives Karataev's death as natural, not even grieving over him. Karataev remains in his memory as an embodiment of goodness, truth and simplicity.

Resorting to targeted killings as a measure of counterterrorism spawned a debate on their legality under both international human rights law and humanitarian law. This article attempts to justify the measure under the current body of international humanitarian law. It also claims that discrete acts of targeted killings may be legal provided the existence of specific circumstances and conditions. These conditions, however, make it extremely difficult for a State to legally pursue ‘a policy’of targeted killings against alleged terrorists, unless they are considered‘ legal combatants.’The article criticizes the practice of labelling terrorists as ‘unlawful combatants’ unworthy of protections afforded by both international human rights law and international humanitarian law, and argues the lack of compelling legal arguments that would prevent terrorists from being considered as lawful combatants in an armed conflict. Light is also shed on the United States’recent expansion of the drone program in a way that might indicate a gradual acceptance of the terrorist-ascombatant theory.

This essay examines Jacques Callot’s Les Grandes Misères et Malheurs de la Guerre (1633) as a moral meditation on war as catastrophe. It also uses Callot’s Miseries to reflect on the nature of catastrophe as such, particularly as “An event producing a subversion of the order or system of things.” As such, catastrophe refers less to nature or the natural gone awry, than it does to the abnegation or suspension of moral aspects of human nature. More than a reflection on war as catastrophe, and catastrophe as fundamentally moral, Callot’s Miseries are a timeless meditation on aspects of the human condition; or on human beings in what amounts to state of nature―as evidenced in times of disaster. Such reflection, again, does not by itself imply that all war―even when catastrophic― is unnecessary, let alone necessarily unjust. But it does suggest that artistic engagement with war understood as catastrophic, may yield insights into human nature that are as important to human self-understanding as those represented in artistic subject matter that is more quotidian.

The memory of the Korean War is about the time period when people lived toughly during evacuation, due to being exposed to the natural climate such as intense cold or heat without any protection, leaving their comfortable home and living in temporary built shelters which were barely enough to avoid the wind. ‘Death is concealed and only the figures of evacuation for survival were expressed, just as how the government ordered. Since the experience of the battlefield is personal and fragmentary, that is broken into pieces, it does not have compatibility. As war is a distorted experience that cannot be placed in a big picture, it is not possible to take a view of the war’s big picture. Having this individualized experience as a common collective memory is an issue and it is the will that people tries to pursue. The reason why the evacuees from north to south, and as well as from the south to further south were all able to be adopted as the theme of artworks due to the military action that emptied the occupied territories of the North Korean Army under the forced removal command. In such situations, the natural state of the ‘snow’ was like a symbol of the 1.4 Recession. The group of people who were thrown into the intense cold displaced the war damage of loosing their base livelihood, and symbolized the obedient citizens who faithfully follow their government’s command. The figure of advocating anti-communism is projected as a figure of a refugee during cold winter-time and it contains ones past which he or she obeyed its own country’s commands. Evacuation, especially the evacuation during the winter is a visual device that can confirm these kinds of country’s command. The consequences were same for the artists as well. Therefore, the situation being communal could be found due to the individual experiences during war are ideological. The image of the refuge shown in the picture played the role of strengthening the consciousness of defecting to South Korea into the meaning of the ‘Finding Freedom.’ I would like to express that the reason of them leave their home during the harsh winter is in order to avoid the oppression of the Communist Party. The evacuation that people went through was not to ‘Finding Freedom’, but ‘To Survive’. Later, this evacuation has been imprinted as a behavior of choosing free Republic of Korea, which was an ideological issue. Anti-communism was the rule of survival in South Korea society, and people have the tendency to remember what they want to remember. As it is not the people who possesses an incident, but the memory that possesses ones, people cover their memory with disguised plots in order to forget the violence and to live a different prologue. They share the incident of violence as a hurtful memory. The tragedy of the Korean War was the result of Ideology and being in between the powerful nations’ rights, but the violence during the war has been depicted as a natural disaster, which was the evacuation in heavy snow.

Yeats and Stein are both modernists. The one lived in Dublin; the other lived in Paris. Both revolutionized poetry and novel in their own way. Yeats’s poetry displays the highest degree of form that gives sense of time and space; he relies on tradition to achieve it, whereas Stein invents a totally new way of writing in order to make new sense in prose. This paper attempts to show how to read Yeats’s Meditations in Time of Civil War and Stein’s Tender Buttons. We see Yeats’s poems in it as well woven embroidery in spatial and temporal terms. The more you pay attention to form in his poetry, the more marvelous, sensuous feel of the poems’ texture you have. In the meantime, in different ways than Yeats, Stein’s prose flows like time smoothly, perfectly, like music; if you take time to think, the making of sense is broken; if you just let yourself feel the sensation that the flowing of words and sentences guide you, sense makes sense makes sense, in Stein’s idiom.

중미관계의 성격이 적이면서 동반자인 양면성을 띠고 있다는 점을 고려할 때 중장기적 관점에서 중미관계는 상당히 유동적이라 할 수 있다. 결국 관계변화의 가장 큰 변수는 중미 간의 공통적 전략이익이다. 만약 미국이 과거의 정치, 군사대국에서 경제대국으로 급부상하고 있는 중국의 존재를 인정하고 국제적 문제에 대해 중국과의 협력을 강화해 나간다면 미국의 대중정책은 포용론에 무게를 둔 형태로 전개될 것이다. 실제로 최근의 북 핵 문제에 있어서 중국의 역할을 미국은 높이 평가하고 있으며 과거와는 다른 시각으로 중국을 바라보고 있다. 중국과의 전략적 협력을 아태지역 차원에서 접근할 경우 이는 중미관계와 미일동맹, 포용론과 봉쇄론의 균형에 의해 대중관계가 결정될 것이다. 또한 미국이 중국과의 전략적 협력에 대해 실효성이 없다고 판단할 경우 양국관계는 경제, 대만문제, 미일동맹 강화, MD체제 수립 등의 다양한 영역에서 갈등의 측면이 부각될 가능성도 있다. 특히, 가장 심각한 것은 대만문제로 중국 내 일부 연구자들은 향후 15년 내에 대만해협에서의 충돌 가능성이 한반도에서의 무력충돌 가능성보다 훨씬 높다고 보고 있다. 중미 양국의 관계는 여전히 냉전적 사유가 존재하고 그에 따른 위협요인이 상존하고 있는 아태지역의 안정에도 매우 중요하다. 이것은 최근 북핵 문제와 지역에서의 대량살상무기의 확산으로 대표되는 非전통 위협요인에 대한 중미 양국의 건설적이고 협력적인 태도에서 증명되고 있다. 결국, 중미 양국이 아태지역 안보문제에서의 협력을 확대하고 발전시키기 위해서는 인식상의 불일치 혹은 정책수단의 차이에 대한 정책조정이 이루어져야 가능할 것이고, 아울러 이러한 정책적인 부분에서의 조정은 중미 양국이 상대방에 대한 건설적 협력의 필요성을 공동으로 인식할 때 가능하다고 할 수 있다. 현재 중국의 향후 정책은 대만통일과 대국으로서 아시아에서 미국, 일본, 러시아 보다 확고한 지위를 인정받는 것이라고 할 수 있으며, 지속적으로 경제발전을 도모하여 21세기 중반까지는 경제 선진국의 대열로 진입하는 것이라 할 수 있다.

한국언론의 전쟁취재 역사는 50년 이상 되었지만, 취재 과정의 노하우 축적이나 취재활 동에 필요한 제반여건의 개선은 아직 많이 부족한 상태다. 따라서 이 연구는 제반 여건이 좋지 않은 환경에서도 전쟁취재를 다녀온 실무 기자들을 직접 만나 전쟁취재과정과 환경 등을 듣고 그 개선점과 개선방안은 어떠한 점들이 있는가를 살펴보았다. 연구결과 전쟁취재를 직접 경험한 기자들은 아직 한국언론이 전쟁취재에 있어 취재 노 하우의 축적이나 활동지원이 많이 부족하다는데 의견을 모았다. 특히, 전쟁 취재의 한계와 문제점을 극복하기 위해서는 우선적으로 국제전문가와 분쟁전문기자 또는 특파원을 둘 필 요가 있고, 기자들도 적극 가담해 평소에도 꾸준히 이 분야에 대한 정보를 습득하고 준비 해 시청자나 독자의 관심을 유발할 필요가 있다고 밝혔다.

Focusing on the emergence of the basic course in American schools of architecture, in particular Gyorgy Kepes' courses at MIT, this paper studies the transformation of architectural pedagogy during the years after World War II. Kepes centered his architectural pedagogy on the picture plane, which was to function as the primary media for applying the principles of Gestalt psychology, that is the identification of the whole and its parts and the reciprocity between the internal human organism and the outside world. Kepes hence introduced a set of unconventional visual practices that were not readily assimilated to architectural conventions. Paralleling the establishment of the basic course, MIT also formulated a functionalist and spatial pedagogy with its two initial design studios, courses 4.721 and 4.722. These studios shared the notion that architectural design evolved from the inside toward the outside, an idea that took hold not just in the pragmatic environment of MIT's studios but also in conservative academic programs as well as in popular magazines, picture books, and exhibitions for the consumer public. The architectural surface became inseparable from the objects of art, furniture, and design, all of which were to be the generators of space. Hence, during the 1950s, the architectural surface provided a specific locus of intersection between the visual fundamentals of the basic course and the working principles of architectural design. Kepes, however, had by this time become disillusioned with architecture's potential as the medium of unity. Though he maintained the Gestalt logic of identity, he expanded it toward the goal of grander synthesis of society and consciousness freeing himself from the constraints of disciplinary instruction. In the case of Kepes, the mediating role of the picture plane was foregone in a regressive turn toward a primal, innocent, and direct experience.

“All noble things are the result of warfare; great nations and classes, of warfare in the visible world, great poetry and philosophy, of invisible warfare, the division of mind within itself" said Yeats. Warfares between thesis and antithesis, whether visible or invisible, lie at the heart of Yeats's poetic world, enabling the poet to create the enormously powerful poetic text. In “Meditations in Time of Civil War”, both visible and invisible warfares are overlapped each other, intensifying the division of the poet's own mind, revealing the bitter agony of the poetic self to criticize and remake itself. This poem dramatizes a story of the poet's self-criticism and self-recreation through the warfare between History, the Irish Civil War, and the poet's dream as a cultural nationalist to re-establish and preserve the Irish identity. In “Ancestral Houses”, the poet dreams to redeem the eighteenth-century Anglo-Irish aristocratic ideals for making the unitary Irish mind, only to realize its impossibility. In “My House" through “My Descendants”, the poet seeks to re-establish the Irish identity in his own sanctuary, Thoor Ballylee, through the poetic task to break “the symbolic rose" into flower, only to fail in it, for he has excluded and suppressed History, the Irish Civil War, from his mind. The poet's dream is broken up. In “The Road at My Door" and “The Stare's Nest by My Window", the poet encounters the Civil War face to face, struggling to transform its violence and bitterness into ‘sweetness' and pursuing his dream once more, but it's far from being realized. In “I see Phantoms of Hatred and of the Heart's Fullness and of the Coming Emptiness", the poet internalizes the violent and bitter Irish historical realities through his vigorous imagination, severely criticizing himself as a solitary Platonist and remaking his poetic self a more solid one. In “The Tower", written next to this poem, we can meet the enormous power of his recreated poetic self.

Unlike his early symbolic mode that is based on the natural representation of organic universe, Yeats’s later works are constructed in the allegorical mode which is based on the antinomies and oppositions that can be defined by rhetoric, form, tone and thematic motifs. If the antinomies are Yeats's central means of perceiving and interpreting the world, what kinds of experience are posited in the center of his life, and in what manner are those experiences represented? The aim of this essay is to approach, through his poetic sequence “Meditations in Time of Civil War”, Yeats’s frame of mind which perceives the world as a series of fixed set of antinomies. Yeats’s later lyric mode is connected, in a very complex manner, with the contradictions and conflicts which arise from what Michel Foucault calls “the absolute power of life and death” and “the life-administering power”. He believed that if the political power and the family authority were to be maintained in modern Ireland, he as poet should embody the ancient forms of power in the aesthetic domain. Such idea leads him to enact in his own works the oral tradition of ancient poetry. He thinks that, leaning on the model of ancient magical arts, modern lyric poet could embody the absolute power of death in his poetry. The literary mode which enacts such power and authority can function as one of the main agents that break the comedic power of modern individualism. Yeats’s idea of absolute power and authority is, however, in constant contradiction with the life-administering power of modern society. Therefore, despite the poet’s strong desire to enact the tragic authority of ancient bard, the poetic space of “Meditations in Time of Civil War” remains the complex site of contradictions and conflicts between the residual forms of Anglo-Irish traditional culture and the dominant cultural forms of modern individualism. It is a disruptive space in which what Fredric Jameson calls the “reversibility” and “disjunction” of modern literary text are embodied in thematic, figural and formal levels.

Since the 1992 ‘Joint Declaration of South and North Korea on the Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula’ was agreed, various negotiations and policies have been conducted. There were policies such as CVID, Strategic Patience, Top-Down Approach, Calibrated Practical Approach, Audacious Initiative and the Geneva Agreement, and 9.19 Joint statement by the six-party talks were signed to denuclearize Korean Peninsula. However, starting with the first nuclear test in 2006, North Korea conducted six nuclear tests to develop atomic bombs, boosted fission bombs, ICBMs, and SLBMs to enhance its weapon capabilities. In addition, nuclear security crisis on the Korean Peninsula has been rising day by day as signs of restarting the North Korea’s Yongbyon 5MWe Graphite-moderated reactor were observed and the possibility of a seventh nuclear test have been increased. Since North Korea’s nuclear issue has a lot of influence on international security, especially on the Northeast Asian countries, a realistic denuclearization policy that reflects North Korea’s current domestic situation along with the international situation is needed. It’s been six months since Russia invaded Ukraine on February 24, 2022. The war between Russia, which has nuclear weapons, and Ukraine, which gave up its possession of nuclear weapons due to the Cooperative Threat Reduction (CTR) program known as the Nunn-Lugar program, is expected to have a significant impact on North Korea, which is considering denuclearization due to UN sanctions on North Korea. Therefore, in this study, based on the war patterns of Russia-Ukraine war, perspective on how it could affect North Korea’s denuclearization is analyzed. Also, significance and limitations of the previous nuclear negotiations, the North Korea’s political regime, the ‘five-year strategy for North Korea’s economic development’ and the ‘five-year plan for North Korea’s economic development’ were analyzed to suggest practical DPRK’s denuclearization policy.

After the annexation of Crimea in 2014, Russia continued to deploy military forces and equipment near the Ukrainian border in March and October of 2021, heightening the international crisis. On February 24, 2022, Russia began its full-scale invasion of Kyiv, the capital of Ukraine, with missiles and ground forces. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine was accompanied by an urgent speech by Russian President Vladimir Putin on the day he would conduct a special military operation in Ukraine. Putin warned that Russia would seek to demilitarize Ukraine and retaliate immediately if foreign interference occurred. In particular, he stated that the expansion of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and exploitation of Ukrainian territory was unacceptable. Due to the current Russian invasion of Ukraine, the United States has updated export controls and sanctions as of March 15. Extensive US export controls and sanctions recently imposed on some areas of Russia, Belarus, and Ukraine have included industries such as defense, aerospace, energy, and finance. Executive Order EO14065 is issued to ban transactions with specific individuals and entities, including financial institutions. Additionally, Executive Order EO14066 has banned US imports of Russian oil, natural gas, and coal and new investments in the Russian energy sector. The EAR was revised to strengthen export controls on Russia and Belarus. The sanctions imposed include 48 major defense companies, 328 personnel, and the CEO of Sberbank, which produced weapons used in the attack on Ukraine. Companies are listed on the Sectoral Sanctions Identification (SSI) List, and individuals are listed on the Specially Designated Nationals (SDN) List. Sanctions such as asset freezing and a ban on all financial transactions with Americans apply. In line with the international trend, Korea also declared its participation in sanctions against Russia. As of March 25, 2022, export controls have been strengthened by newly established items subject to catchall licenses related to Russia and Belarus. Ministry of Trade, Industry, and Energy (MOTIE) added Fifty-seven items to Annex 2-2 in the Notification of Export and Import of Strategic Items. Most of these sanctions are for dual-use items under the jurisdiction of MOTIE. However, as countries, organizations, and individuals who may be subject to catch-all licenses are included in the sanctions list, Nuclear Safety and Security Commission should also review catch-all licenses for Trigger List Items. These sanctions are expected to last for some time. Even though China and Russia are the Nuclear Weapon States, the US has strengthened export controls. This is likely due to the opacity of China and Russia’s export controls system and the lack of active implementation of UN Security Council sanctions. However, there is an aspect of protecting their technology. It seems that Korea should also pay attention to these changes in international trends and keep pace with the level of control in other countries.

본 연구는 먼저 국가 안보 위기와 급변하는 정치 상황에서 교회가 평화를 위해 어떤 역할을 할 수 있는지에 대한 질문을 제기한다. 이를 위해 본 연구는 한국전쟁 발발의 국제적 영향과 냉전체제 내에서 전쟁의 위협에 대응하여 서독의 외교정책이 어떻게 변화해 왔는지 살펴본다. 또한 서독 총리 아데나워가 추진한 서독 재무장 정책이 서독 사회와 독일 개신교에서 어떻게 받아들여졌는지를 추적한다. 한국전쟁이 발발했을 때 독일인들은 독일에서 새로운 전쟁이 일어날까 두려워했다. 이러한 이유로 서독 수상 아데나워는 서독의 재무장을 추진했다. 재무장 정책에 대한 서독의 의견은 엇갈렸다. 독일 개신교회 내부에서도 서독의 재무장을 둘러싼 논쟁이 벌어졌다. 마틴 니묄러와 그의 그룹은 아데나워의 재무장 정책에 강력하게 반대했다. 그러나 다른 그룹은 먼저 서독이 재무장하고 유럽 안보에 기여해야 한다고 주장했다. 이러한 독일 개신교회의 논쟁 속에서 이 연구는 교회가 평화를 위해 무엇을 했고, 무엇을 할 수 있었는지를 연구한다.

제1차 세계대전이 남긴 상처/그림자는 전쟁이 끝나도 사라지지 않고 남아 있었다. 엘리엇과 울프는 작가와 시인의 섬세함으로 인간의 삶 속에 그림자 진 우울증, 공허, 가짜 웃음, 거짓 평화, 폭력, 욕망, 기억과 망각을 읽어내었다. 전쟁의 뒤편에 남아 있던 그림자는 인간을 광기와 죽음과 자살로 내몰고 있었다. 엘리엇과 울프는 화자의 의식의 흐름을 통해 전쟁과 죽음으로 망각된 사람들의 목소리를 찾아낸다. 엘리엇은 죽은 자들의 소환을 통해 인간의 성적 타락, 병적 트라우마, 멜랑코리 등의 원인을 재빨리 진단하고 기독교적 원리를 통하여 해결방안을 찾는 노력을 『황무지』에서 보여 주었다. 반면 울프는 의식의 흐름 기법을 사 용하여 침묵의 언어로서 서사적 공존이 가능하게 한다. 이런 방법은 초대받지 않은 손님이었던 쎕티머스가 파티에 연결될 수 있도록 장치하였 고, 쎕티머스의 자살 소식에 죽음으로 포용한 삶이야 말로 진정한 파티의 완성임을 선언함으로써 Mrs. Dalloway의 종지부를 찍게 한다. 울프는 자살이라는 최후의 방법을 선택하여 현대인의 망각에 대해 경종을 울리고, 전쟁 이후 현대인의 절망 상태를 인식하면서 인간 본연이 가지고 있는 존엄과 자유를 주장한 것이다. 이처럼 의식의 흐름 기법을 사용하여, 엘리엇과 울프는 각자의 모더니즘적 해결 방식으로 현대인의 삶과 전쟁의 주제들을 재해석하고 있다.

본 연구는 일본 제국주의의 1905년 독도 침탈의 직접적 동기가 러·일전쟁 도중 일본 해군이 러시아 태평양 함대의 수뢰 설치와 순양 활동을 탐지하기 위해 해군 望樓(watchtower)를 설치하기 위한 군사적 목적에 있었음을 밝히고자 하는 것이다. 이 글에서 고찰된 내용은 다음과 같이 요약할 수 있다. 첫째, 일본 제국주의는 대한제국을 병탄하여 식민지화할 목적으로 1904년 2월 8일 러·일전쟁을 도발하였다. 러·일전쟁 도중에 해전에서 ‘함포’만이 아니라 ‘기뢰’ 부설 폭파전이 매우 중요하게 되자, 대함대의 이동만 중요한 것이 아니라 소규모 수뢰정(水雷艇)의 기뢰설치 활동 감시가 매우 중요하게 되었다. 둘째, 일본 해군이 대한제국 영토인 韓半島 海岸과 중요 섬들에 무려 20개소의 해군 望樓를 설치한 것은 러시아 해군은 전혀 갖지 못하고 일본 해군만 갖춘 것이었다. 이것은 러·일戰爭의 海戰에서 地利를 일본해군만 독점한 것이었고, 만일 러시아 해군이 이 영역 안에서 ‘해전’을 하는 경우 완전히 ‘감시망’ 안에 놓여 기습 섬멸당할 수 있는 여건을 조성한 것이었다고 볼 수 있다. 셋째, 일본 해군이 독도 망루 설치 계획을 세우고 군함을 파견하여 부지 조사를 실시하던 시기에, 1904년 9월 일본 어업가 나카이(中井養三郎)가 한국영토인 독도(리앙쿠르 도)의 강치잡이 독점권을 독도 소유권자인 대한제국 정부에 선금을 내고 임대(賃貸)받으려고, 그 교섭 절차를 문의하러 동경(東京)에 상경해서 농상무성 국장을 상면하였다. 이 때 나카이는 독도가 한국영토임을 명확하게 인지하고 있었다. 이것은 나카이(中井)가 여러 차례 확인한 정확한 사실이었다. 넷째, 나카이(中井)는 1903년에 처음으로 독도에 들어가서 며칠간 강치잡이를 했었다. 그러나 이것은 나카이(中井)가 무주지(無主地)를 선점(先占)한 것이 전혀 아니라, 한국영토인 독도에 나카이가 한국영토임을 인지하면서도 허가 없이 불법으로 들어가서 시험적으로 강치잡이를 해본 것이었다. 나카이는 이때 ‘독도 강치잡이’가 막대한 이익이 있는 좋은 사업임을 확인하였으며, 다른 일본 어부들도 독도에 들어와 不法으로 강치를 남획하는 것을 보고, 독도 소유권자인 한국정부에 사전 임대료를 내고 합법적으로 강치잡이 기한부 독점권(獨占權)을 얻어서 큰 수익을 내려고 계획하여 상경해서 일본 정부 농상무성 관계자와 상담한 것이었다. 다섯째, 일본 정부 농상무성 수산국장 마키 보쿠신(牧朴眞)은 독도가 한국영토이고 시기가 러·일전쟁 중이므로 나카이를 해군성(海軍省) 수로부장 기모츠키 가네유키(肝付兼行, 해군소장)에게 보내어 자문을 구하도록 소개하였다. 기모츠키(肝付)는 독도가 울릉도의 부속섬이며, 한국영토임을 매우 잘 알고 있었다. 그 증거는 기모츠키가 거의 일생을 일본 해군성 수로부에서 근무하고 수로부장도 10년을 했는데, 그는 독도(리앙쿠르 도)를 일본 수로부가 수시 간행하는 󰡔日本水路誌󰡕 서북해안에 단 한 번도 넣지 않고 수시 간행하는 󰡔朝鮮水路誌󰡕에 반드시 넣은 곳에서도 확인할 수 있다. 여섯째, 일본 내무성은 1876년 지적편찬 사업 때 동해 가운데 ‘울릉도와 그 외 1도 독도(우산도)’는 일본과 관계없는 조선영토임을 정밀한 조사 결과와 太政官(총리대신부)의 훈령으로 이미 잘 알고 있었으므로, 나카이(中井)의 영토편입 청원서를 무리하게 접수 실행하면 한국정부가 항의하고 세계 여론이 비등하여 일이 결코 용이하게 성공하지 못할 것이라고 보고 각하시키려 한 것이다. 일곱째, 나카이(中井)는 자기의 큰 이익이 무산되려 하므로 낙망하여 외무성으로 달려갔다. 외무성 정무국장 야마자 엔지로山(座円次郞)는 이미 해군성 수로부장의 공작 연락을 받고, 러·일전쟁 중인 지금 시국이야말로 리앙쿠르 도(獨島) 영토 편입을 긴급 요구하고 있다고 나카이를 선동 격려하였다. 독도에 해군 망루를 설치하고 해저전선을 부설해서 적 러시아 함정을 감시하는 것이 절대 필요한데, 독도를 일본 영토로 편입 청원하는 것은 전쟁 승리의 애국활동을 하는 것이라고 선동하였다. 또한 야마자(山座)는 일본군이 한국을 점령하고 황제를 지배하고 있으므로 내무성에서 고려하는 것과 같은 일은 필요하지 않다고 설명하고, 급히 영토편입 청원서를 일본정부 외무성에 제출하라고 독려하였다. 여덟째, 한국 영토 독도를 침탈하여 일본 영토로 편입시키는 건에 대하여 해군성은 공작 조종하고, 농상무성은 찬성하고, 내무성은 반대하므로, 그 최종 조정과 결정은 영토 담당부서인 총리부(總理大臣府)의 몫이 되었다. 아홉째, 그러나 일본정부의 1905년 1월 28일 내각회의의 이 결정은 다음과 같은 이유와 내용이 거짓이어서 국제법상 전혀 성립될 수 없는 것이었다. 열째, 일본 정부는 1905년 7월 28일 독도가 한국영토임을 잘 알면서도 군사적 목적으로 독도를 침탈하여 일본 영토에 편입하는 결정을 한 다음, 이를 ‘국제고시’하지 못하는 고민에 빠졌다. 당시 국제법은 무주지(無主地)일 경우라도 선점하여 영토 편입할 때에는 반드시 그 무주지의 사방 주위 국가에게 사전 조회하거나 반드시 국제고시하여 다른 의사 또는 反對 의사가 없는가의 여부를 질문해서, 이의(異議)가 없어야 함을 전제와 관행으로 하고 있었다. 또한, 일본 정부가 한국 영토 독도(于山島)를 침탈해 놓고 간지(奸智)를 발휘하여 이를 사실상의 ‘비밀(秘密)’로 처리했기 때문에 1905년 1월~2월 당시에 대한제국 정부와 국민은 이 사실을 전혀 알 수 없었다. 당시 대한제국 정부와 국민뿐 아니라 일본제국의 정부 기관과 국민도 극소수 관계자를 제외하고는 이 사실을 알지 못하였다. 그 증거는 당시 일본 최대의 출판사 박문관(博文館)이 러·일해전의 승리에 기뻐서 1905년 6월에 출판한 유명한 󰡔日露戰爭實記󰡕의 지도에 독도(리앙쿠르 도)를 여전히 한국영토에 포함시키고 있는 것에서도 이를 알 수 있다. 구한말 일본 제국주의가 대한제국이 허약한 틈을 노리고 한국영토 독도를 국제법을 위반하면서 한국정부와 국민 몰래 1946년 침탈했다가 1946년 1월 연합국이 반환한 것을, 오늘날 현대 일본 정부가 자기 영토라 주장하면서 다시 독도를 침탈하려고 시도하는 것은 구 일본 제국주의를 계승하여 한국을 재침략 시도하는 것임을 명확히 인지하고 한국정부와 국민은 더욱 단호하게 적극적으로 이에 대응해야 할 것이다.