China-US relations have become the focus of world attention after the Biden administration took power. Some predict that Biden‘s strategy in the early days of his administration will be a combination of Obama’s and Trump‘s Policies toward China, which focus on competition rather than reconciliation and cooperation. Biden stated clearly that he has no intention to involve in a“new cold war”with China, he will not deliberately exclude engagement with China, he also has proposed that intensive cooperation with China will be put into effect on the theme related to climate change, global public health and nuclear non - proliferation. Meanwhile, the Biden administration continues to claim that China is the Unites States’ “most rigorous competitor”. The US government will carry out a series of strategic policy in the areas of economy, security, diplomacy, human rights, intellectual property, and global governance. the Biden administration continued to promote the Indo-Pacific strategy more actively in order to achieve the upgrading of the four-country dialogue mechanism with Japan, India and Australia and also make great effort to strengthened the relationship of traditional Allies, by which achieving the goal of containing China. With the framework of the “One China” policy, the Biden administration intend to strengthen unofficial relations and non-government contact with Taiwan to improve Taiwan‘s self-defense capability and international visibility aim to maintain the status quo of“no independence”and“no unification”between Taiwan and the mainland. For the foreseeable future, Biden will inherit the tone of the Trump administration‘s strategic competition toward China through some necessary political adjustment. the China-US relations will be imbued with challenge and opportunities.

Based on the system and field of international exchange and cooperation between local governments after the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and South Korea, this paper analyzes the characteristics and future issues of international exchange and cooperation between local governments of China and South Korea. The main achievements of bilateral cooperation are as follows: First, sister cities of friendship between the two sides have developed rapidly. Local government cooperation has both the characteristics of "transborder regional parallel diplomacy" and "trans regional parallel diplomacy". Second, local governments at all levels in South Korea paid relatively low attention to the cities in the central and western regions far away from South Korea in the early stage. In the past 10 years, local governments at all levels in South Korea have gradually started to form sister cities with cities in the central and western regions of China. Third, the bilateral and multilateral cooperation system mechanism of local government cooperation between China and South Korea has gradually became mature. Fourth, various forms of local cooperation at different levels enrich the content of cooperation between China and South Korea and become an important platform for people to people and cultural exchanges between China and South Korea. If it is the geographical and ethnic factors that play an important role in the initial stage of local government exchanges and cooperation between China and South Korea, the policy system will become a new driving force for bilateral cooperation, and the policy promotion at the government level of China and South Korea will become an important consideration for the rational choice of local government transnational cooperation.

The countries of Northeast Asia have close ties and wide range of links in politics, economy, culture and geography. These countries have abroad humanistic foundation. It is of great significance to strengthen the regional cooperation in Northeast Asia under the vision of building the community of a shared future for mankind. This is conducive to safeguarding peace and stability in Northeast Asia, safe guarding the overall interests of Northeast Asia, promoting the common development of Northeast Asia, and realizing the “the Beltand Road” initiative. The idea of building the community of a shared future for mankind opensa new way of thinking for regional cooperation in Northeast Asia: focus in gon strengthening economic cooperation an destablishing cooperation mechanisms; strengthening mutual trust of political security and maintaining regional peace and stability; dealing with non-traditional security issues and curbing extremism; building a common concept and deepening regional identity. Therefore, building the community of a shared future for mankind and promoting regional cooperation in Northeast Asia can realize the overall realization of regional integration in Northeast Asia.

There has been heated debate between China and South Korea over the issue of THAAD deployment in ROK. From the standpoint of China, the deployment is a major issue which concerning the global strategic balance. It seems to China that the THAAD deployment will do nothing to solve the nuclear issue of north Korea,and it is beyond the South Korean defense needs. Moreover, it has seriously threatened China's security interest, undermined Sino-ROK relations and the trust between the big powers. The issue’s essence is the promotion of US deploying global anti missile system. For that ,China and Russia jointly defend the THAAD has become an inevitable trend. The Improvement of Sino-ROK relationship focus on the the national interest and prospects for denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. It means that the two sides have not changed their positions, and the THAAD problem has not really been turned over.

After DPRK's fourth nuclear test and the launch of the satellite, China and the United States stand on the opposite for the concrete measures of imposing sanctions on DPRK. Through repeated consultations, these two countries reached a limited “agreement” and the UN Security Council finally passed the resolution 2270 which expended sanctions against DPRK. The relations between China and DPRK raised concerns once again. As is known to all, China and DPRK established alliance relations in the form of treaty in the early 60s of last century. After the end of the cold war, the relationship between them began to fluctuate with ups and downs. And due to the continuous upgrading of the DPRK’s nuclear issue and the improvement of China-ROK relations, the China-DPRK alliance relations become “ambiguous”. In the future, under the circumstances of the game between superpowers is becoming increasingly fierce , the prospect of the unification of the Korean Peninsula is still not clear and DPRK’s nuclear program has not been stopped, China and DPRK should maintain the "alliance" relationship or turn to the normal state relations? The decisive factor depends on the nature of state interests and the essential requirement of geopolitical competition. China-DPRK ambiguous alliance is still likely to continue.

Through three years of the Korean War and the strengthen role of the Cold War system, China and North Korea determined to build a relation of allicance in the form of mutual asistance in the early 1960s. During the Cold War, Sino-Korean alliance had its characteristics of the era and it brought a security guarantee and practical interests to maintain the geopolitical and military balance in Northeast Asia. Since the end of the Cold War, China-DPRK realations have not been so stable because of the influence of international political situation changes. With the escalation of the nuclear issue and the development of China-ROK relations in recent years, Sino-DPRK allicance basis which was “sealed in blood friendship” has been questioned. Is it to continue to consolidate the alliance and to develop the all-round cooperation partnership, or to repeal the treaty of alliance and return to a normal state relations? The decisive factor still lies on the national security and practical interests. Under the influence of the current international situations, the historical ambiguity will continue to maintain in the alliance between China and DPRK.

Since Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe administration came into power, Japan’s relationship with China and Korea has been in severe trouble. At present, the main issue is that the public opinions and politicians should help build steps for compromise, which is the only choice to achieve the “win‐win” goal. Facing the future, the starting point for reconciliation in East Asia should be focused on how to get through the gap between concepts. From China’s perspective, as long as the nightmare of the “Greater East Asia Co‐Prosperity Sphere” is not removed, the shadow of the “China Threat Theory” lingers, and if China can not take on more responsibility in the international community, it is impossible to find a reasonable internal logic for regionalism, the East Asian Community, and the vision of a harmonious world. The analysis and resolution of the historical nightmare of the “Greater East Asia Co‐Prosperity Sphere” might help to warn those bigots in Japan who believe that “there is a reasonable nature in the past colonial rule and war”. Dealing with “China Threat Theory” and “China Responsibility Theory” correctly is an opportunity for China to defend itself as well as to demonstrate its new image to the whole world.

한‐중‐일 3국의 민족주의 사조(思潮)는 냉전시기를 포함한 근대 이후 의 역사적 “유산”의 영향을 받아 냉전종식 이후에도 “여전히 존재하는 미완(未完)의 역사적 책임”의 되돌림 속에 쇠퇴 없이 계속해서 성장하 고 있다. 특히 역사인식문제와 최근 심해진 영토주권 분쟁을 둘러싼 동 아시아지역내 민족주의 강화는 동 지역에서의 민족적인 화해의 희망을 파괴하고 있다. 즉 동아시아국가간의 정치, 안보, 경제적인 상호의존 지 연현상은 동 지역의 문화 및 공동체 의식의 “분열”을 초래하고 있다. 동아시아 분열의 최악의 결과는 반드시 전쟁을 의미하지는 않는다. 그 러나, “분열” 과정 자체는 어느 관점에서든 상관없이 장차 역사적이고 비극적인 오류를 초래할 것이다. 대립하는 민족주의는 점점 더 시장을 잃게 될 것이고, 민족주의적 충돌은 영원히 동아시아국가의 우선적인 선택사항이 되지 않아야 할 것이다.

The end of the Cold War has undergone fundamental changes throughout the world. However, Northeast Asia is still a special area because the major issues in the region such as national unity, prevention of nuclear proliferation, national reconciliation, and ideological confrontation have plagued the region for twenty years or even longer, almost without any progress, and until now there are no constructive solutions. The issue of reconciliation has become a thorny issue in the new century. Historical issues brought difficulties to the East Asian countries, but these issues among China, Korea and Japan will not be solved as expected by the three countries respectively. Today, in East Asia, obstacles to reconciliation come not only from history, and the meaning of reconciliation in this region is also different from the past. In the long run, regionalism in this region should be the starting point for national reconciliation. The future of the region eventually lies in the result of mutual concessions concerning many different interests and tendencies.