20세기 중반 이후, 선교의 주체를 교회에서 하나님으로 새롭게 인식하는 등 선교신학의 큰 변화가 있었다. 물론, 하나님의 선교에 대한 구체적인 이해는 매우 다양하다. 선교의 실천 영역의 변화 중 하나는 선교사 자원의 변화였다. 1980년대를 지나며 서구 선교사의 퇴조가 눈에 띄기 시작했다. 세계 교회는 넉넉한 자원을 가진 교회만 타문화권 선교를 할 수 있다는 오류에 빠져있다. 이것은 고도 근시의 시력으로 선교 역사를 보기 때문에 발생했다. 한편, 영국 특수 침례교회 의 타문화권 선교의 시작은 그렇지 않음을 분명히 보여준다. 핍박과 냉대를 받는 교회, 작고 가난한 교회, 왜곡되고 균형을 잃은 신학을 가졌던 교회, 타문화권 선교에 대한 부정적인 정서를 가졌던 교회, 선교지를 잘 모르는 교회도 선교의 잠재력을 가지고 있다. 단, 건전한 신앙과 신학으로 영적 갱신을 이루고, 지역 교회들이 연합하여 힘을 모은다면, 중동 이슬람권이나 부탄과 북한처럼 폐쇄국가를 제외한 나머지 지역의 교회들은 타문화권 선교의 잠재력을 가지고 있다.

The article deals with a possibility of the community development mission to alleviate poverty in the world, particularly in Cambodia in which poverty has been formed historically in the Theravada Buddhistic context. In a messianic perspective the article analyzes the religious, cultural and political factors to deteriorate the poverty and suggests an integral mission of Messiah Jesus for the community development against poverty. First, based on the definition of the relational and spiritual characteristics of poverty, the article describes the present poverty situation and its historical roots resulting from the time of the ‘glorious’ Angkor Kingdom civilization. Second, the article examines some opportunities to be able to change the poverty situation in the 16th to 20th century such as the future Buddha Maitreya movement, the Roman Catholic mission activities under the French colonialism, and the political messianism of the Pol Pot regime. They failed to alleviate the poverty situation and furthermore aggravated it. Third, as alternative the article discusses the Christian NGO mission. The NGOs can drive community development mission despite some limitations. In order to overcome them the article discusses a strategy that community members participate in the NGO mission from phase of planning and to self-supporting financially in their own context. Also the two examples of Hanah Mission and the CHE mission in Cambodia are examined. The article concludes to suggest the Messiah Jesus integral mission to transform the poverty community.

What a concept of theatricality in modern art became more controversial is through a review 'art and object-hood' on Michael Fried's minimal art, as having been already known broadly. As he had been concerned, the art following the minimalism is accepting as the very important elements such as the introduction of temporality, the stage in the exhibition space, and the audience's positive participation, enough to be no exaggeration to say that it was involved in almost all the theatricality. Particularly even in the installation art and the environment art, which have substantially positioned since the 1970s, the space is staged, and the audience's participation is greatly highlighted due to the temporal character and the site-specific in works. In such way, the theatricality in art work is today regarded as one of the most important elements. In this context, it is thought to have significance to examine theatricality, which is shown in the works of Arte Povera artists, who had been active energetically between 1967~1971. That is because the name of this group itself is what was borrowed from “Poor Theatre” in Jerzy Grotowski, who is a play director and theorist coming from Poland, and because of having many common points in the aspect of content and form. It reveals that the art called Arte Povera is sharing many critical minds in the face of commanding the field called a play and other media. Grotowski's theatre theory is very close to the theory and substance in Arte Povera in a sense that liberates a play, which was locked in literature, above all, renews the relationship between stage and seat and between actor and audience, and pursues a human being's change in consciousness through this. That is because Arte Povera also emphasizes the communication with the audience through appealing to a human being's perception and through the direct and living method, not the objective art concept of centering on the work. In addition, the poor play or poor art all has tendency that denies a system, which relies upon economic and cultural system, and seeks for what is anti-cultural, elemental, and fundamental. It is very similar even in a sense that focuses on the exploration process itself rather than the result, excludes the transcendental concept, and attaches importance to empiricism. However, Arte Povera accepts contradictoriness and complexity, and suggests eclecticism and tolerance, thereby being basically the nomadic art and the art difficult to be captured constitutively. On the other hand, there is difference in a sense that the poor play is characterized by purity, asceticism, seriousness, and solemnity. If so, which significance does this theatricality, which was introduced to art, ultimately have? As all the arts desire to be revealed with invisible things beyond the visual thing, theatricality comes to play a very important role at this time. If all the artists and audiences today came to acquire actual or virtual freedom much more, that can be said to be a point attributable to that art relied upon diverse conditions in a play.

흑사병과 종교전쟁들로 인한 죽음과 파괴의 참상을 처참하게 경험한 시대에 과연 음악이 당대의 현실을, 당대 예술창작의 거대 주제였던 ‘바니타스’를 외면할 수 있었겠는가에 대해 의심을 품고 시작한 이 고찰의 끝에서 얻어지는 결론은, 바니타스의 주제가 당대 바로크 음악의 한 켠에 명료히 자리하고 있었다는 것이다. 그렇게 팜필리와 헨델의 오라토리오 《시간과 깨달음의 승리》(Il trionfo del Tempo e del Disinganno)에 문학과 회화의 바니타스 알레고리들이 수용되어 있고, 푀르스터의 《부자와 가난한 나사로의 대화》(Dialogo de Divite et Paupere Lazaro)에는 바니타스 개념의 근원인 구약성경의 전도서 구절이 강력하게 천명되고 있다. 바니타스의 메시지가 《시간과 깨달음의 승리》에서처럼 대본의 구도에 스며있기도, 《부자와 가난한 나사로의 대화》에서처럼 또 다른 중심적 메시지를 압도하며 존재하기도 한다. 바니타스의 상징들 및 메시지에 대한 작곡가의 취급도 섬세해서 음정과 선율, 화성, 악기 및 성부 편성 등에 의해 그것들이 정교한 음악적 색채를 덧입는다.

본 연구논문의 목적은 요안네스 카시아누스의 『제도집』과 『담화집』에 반복적으로 나타나는 ‘철저하고 자발적인 부의 포기와 가난의 지속’이라는 주제가 어떤 의미를 가지고 있으며 그것이 반복되는 이유를 밝히는 것이 다. 카시아누스는 5세기 초 남부 갈리아 지역에서 수도사로 활동했고 『제 도집』과 『담화집』을 수도문헌으로 남겼다. 두 권의 수도문헌은 전통적으로 이집트와 동방의 수도생활을 서방, 특별히 갈리아 지역의 수도사들에게 전 할 목적으로 쓴 것으로 알려져 있다. 이러한 카시아누스의 수도문헌에는 철저한 가난이라는 주제가 의도적이고 체계적인 방식으로 반복되고 있다. 그런데 카시아누스 연구가들은 그동안 가난의 주제 뿐 아니라 그것이 강조 되는 이유와 배경에 관해서 깊은 관심을 기울이지 않았다. 이 연구논문은 카시아누스의 가난에 대한 강조가 의미하는 바를 밝히기 위해서 먼저 『제도집』과 『담화집』에서 가난에 대한 강조가 어떻게 나타나

The starting point of this work is to refute the argument of Peter Brown that the leadership of bishop as “lover of the poor” is not to confine the inspiration to within the Christian church and it would be considered from the social-political structure rather than ecclesiastical-monastic view. Brown insisted that Basileia, which was built for the relief of the poor by Basil, is a striking outcome of the great imperial endowment by which the church was granted its privileges in return for a fully, public commitment to the care of the poor. Even though the leadership of bishop as “the lover of the poor” is in part influenced by the socio-political structure, the religious and spiritual structure of human being is taking precedence over the socio-political structure of human being. Therefore, this work is to present how much as a bishop called “the lover of the poor,” Chrysostom was influenced by the monastic ideas. John Chrysostom, a deacon and presbyter from 381 to 397 in Antioch and a bishop from 398 to 404 in Constantinople, died in exile in 407. He spoke over eight hundred sermons, two hundred and forty two letters, and fourteen treaties on poverty, the rich and the poor and alms. He is called “the lover of the poor.” His understanding of above issues is greatly influenced by monasticism, because the monastic ideal is ‘the voluntary poverty.’ St. Antony died in Egypt in 365, and Pachomius died only a short time before Chrysostom was born. Therefore, definitely he was influenced by monastic ideal very strongly. Chysostom basically adopts the monastic ideals as his life model, and uses them as a basis for how he believes Christian ought to live in the city. The early years of the fourth century had already witnessed the popularity of the ascetic forms of Christianity in Palestine and Syria. In the second half of the fourth century, the manner of the lifestyle of the monks, both in Syria and in Antioch, was no longer unfamiliar. For Chrysostom monks are the models of Christian citizenship and monastery is the model for the city. His desire is to bring the monk’s way of life to the city. For Chrysostom, the monastery is the “city of virtue.” He wants to bring that virtue into the city, where the pursuit of glory prevails. In fact, glory is a key motivator for maintaining the city in an ancient society. Chrysostom challenges the vainglory pursued by so many, through his frequent preaching. In late antiquity, the dignity of the city was measured by the greatness of the city, represented by the Orchestra, the Hippodrome, gym and theatre of a city. He argues that the most important factor for maintaining the city is humility. While Chrysostom takes his ideal for the Christian life and for society from the norms of monasticism, his attempts to implement his ideal in reality represent in almsgiving to overcome the gap between the rich and the poor. He defines wealth itself as neutral. He focused on the function of wealth as utility, consequently he encouraged people to give alms. Therefore, he is called “the lover of the poor.”

Zur Zeit des Caecilius Cyprianus benutzten die Christen die Bibel, die LXX für das Alte Testamentum, schon alle gesammelte 27 +α Schrifen für das Neue Testamentum waren. Damals waren fast alle Juden vom Christentum weggelassen. Und die Theologie entwicklte endlich. Natürlich wurde der Terminus “Theologie” im Christentum zuerst bei Eusebios von Caesarea (260-339) benutzt. Die Hermeneutik wurde mit der ganzen Bibel in der Kirche angefangen(wahrscheinlich von Ireaeus, Tertullianus, Cyprianus). Am Anfang des 3. Jahrhundert sei Cyprianus geboren. Er ist der hoch Gelehrte und hatte “beträchtliches Vermögen,” “Umgang mit Angehörigen des Ritter-und Senatorenstandes” und stammte aus “zumindest ritterlichen Standes.” Cyprianus wurde Christ in der Mitte des 240-jährigen under dem Einfuß des Presbyters Caecilianus, der den Lebensablauf des Cyprianus “von weltlichem Irrtum zum Erkenntnis der wahren Divinität bekehrt hatte”. Der Diakon Pontius bezichnete ihn als “neophytus”(Neubekehrten). Als Cyprianus Christ geworden war, wurde er bald als Neubekehrter “zum Amte eines Priesters und zum Episkopat” geworden. Es ist nicht wegen seiner Pflicht des Episkopates, daß Cyprianus den Aremen die Almosen gab. Als er Christ geworden war, verkaufte er sein Vermögen und gab es den Armen. In der Schrift de opere et eleemosynis het Cyprianus das grichische Wort ἐλεημοσύνη(almosen) ins lateinisch eleemosyna übertragen. Lampe zeigt uns die Bedeutung “almsgiving” und Liddell & Scott übersetzen ins “charity”. Cyprianus erleuchte im Anfang der seinen Schrift, daß Gott selbst “durch den Hinweis auf die Werke der Gerchtigkeit und Barmherzigkeit uns gewissermaßen einen Weg zur Sicherung des Heils eröffnete.” Wenn Cyprianus spricht, daß durch Almosen und Glauben die Vergehen und die Sünde gereinigt wurde, bedeutet es besonders nicht, daß es verleugnet, daß die Vergehen schon vorher “durch Christi Blut und Heiligung geneinigt” wurde. Trotzdem behauptet Cyprianus natürlich, daß “Almosen die Sünde auslöschen wird”. Und er sagt wiederum: “Weil schon einmal in der Tauge Vergebung der Sünde gewährt wird, so möge beständige und unablässige Mildtätigkeit geradeso wie die Taufe wiederum Gottes Gnade(indulgentia= Gunst) spenden”. Nachdem Cyprianus die Notwendigkeit des Almosengeben erörtert hat, kritisierte er scharf die Leute, die in der Kirche waren und sich Almosen zu geben in drei Urschen verzögerten. Die Leute, die eben so wie die Pharisäer “verschlossene Ohren(praeclusae aures)” und “verblendete Herzen” haben, sollen öffnen und aufmachen, um gerne und reichlich Almosen zu geben. Er behauptet, daß die Christen sich “eifrig im Almosengeben zeigen und nicht an irdischem Besitz hängen, sondern vielmehr himmlische Schätze sammeln sollten”.

The tithe system which the Urgemeinde did not know, has returned to the church with the Judaising trends. The early church was convinced that it would correspond with the spirit of the gospel, to use the tithe for the purpose of charity. The church depended on the voluntary donations; but in the sixth century, in Meroving dynasty the tithe was referred to for the first time in a synodal letter, and thence force it has begun to have the obligatory character. In the Caroling Dynasty the bishops asked the secular power to chastise those who refused to pay the tithes. At last Charlemagne proclaimed a capitulary, which made the payment of the tithes an obligation. He chastised the refusers as violators of the imperial order. In this way the tithe which men introduced originally as voluntary donation, changed into a sort of religious tax. Also the rule concerning the 1/4 portion for the poor which the Roman popes had stipulated, has lost its meaning. The purpose of tithes collection for the charity has been forgotten; the tithes has been collected only for the salary of the clergy. In the Frankish empire which was neither a industrial state nor a welfare state, the worst victims of the wars, the plagues and the natural catastrophes were the common people. They who were freemen nominally, have lost their scanty possessions for several reasons and erred on the streets. Although the church and the monastery tried to provide the costs for the charity from the tithes and other incomes and the synods tried to reform the charity system, the charity activities were encountered with their limits for several reasons. The rulers like Charlemage and Louis the Pious were interested for the problem of the poor; it could be relieved with the public funds, but could not be solved basically. The charity was the only help for the poor of the early Middle Age, and they were waiting for the charity.

This paper explores the function and the role of poverty in the theology of John Calvin. In recent years, Calvin scholarship has been concerned to the ministry of the Genevan Church to social welfare policy, especially the poor. The writer tries to reveal peculiarity of Calvin’s system with respect to social welfare, examining numerous studies on his social and economic ethics. This study demonstrates that Calvin’s theology of poverty undercuts merit piety of medieval Roman Catholic Church, and that he relates the issue of poverty to his Christology, the nature of the Christian life, and the Church. This study proceeds as follows. The introduction discusses the concept of the Church Fathers and understanding of medieval church on poverty. The second chapter describes Genevan context of the sixteenth century in regard to civil relief system. This chapter shows that before Calvin comes to Geneva, there has been social care system developed by Genevan citizens. The chapter sketches an historical context for Calvin’s theological view on poverty. This fact plays an important role in reconstruction of social welfare institutions by Calvin. He endeavors to reform relief system of the poor in coordination of the ecclesiastical system and civil magistrates. Chapter three will be divided into three parts. First part examines Calvin’s theology of the poverty in his writings and sermons. Calvin interprets multifariously the poverty of Christ and its significance for the Christian life and the church, investigating theological meanings of physical and spiritual poverty. Second part examines the right use of wealth, showing that Calvin is essentially primer among the Reformation theologians to wrestle with the interrelation of secular economic development and the material and moral welfare of the individual. Third part argues the relationship between the ecclesiastical system and civil system in Calvin’s social welfare. This part demonstrates that for Calvin, coterminous interaction between the church and civil government on charitable work was unique. Conclusion part says several remarks of Calvin’s theology of poverty.