Focusing on Hwaseokjeong in Paju, the work seeks to clarify the social production of Nujeong (樓亭: Korean traditional pavilions) space, which took place over the 1960s and 70s, and its cultural-political implications. To make the effort as such meaningful, a theoretical framework based not merely on the thesis of ‘social production of space’ advocated by Henri Lefebvre but especially on some discussions related to ‘state production of space’ is prepared, according to which Hwaseokjeong is analyzed and explained. As a consequence, two principal arguments are put forward: one is that Hwaseokjeong was a social space which had been built and constructed in accordance with the unique mode of production dominating Korean society at that time called ‘the state mode of production (le mode de production étatique )’; the other is that what lies beneath the denotation of a ‘social space of tradition restoration’ that Hwaseokjeong appears to carry is in fact the connotation of ‘infiltration of anti-communist ideology’. All of these claims are once again supported both by examining Roland Barthes's semiology and mythologies and by considering Hwaseokjeong's Pyeonaek (扁額: a plaque or framed text) as ‘the practice of naming power through J esa (題詞: inscribing dedications)’. While providing a succinct summary, the paper finally evaluates what ‘social production of space’ implies to social practices of architecture and related criticisms by taking into account the relationship between visibility and readability of space including buildings.
PURPOSES : In this study, the social cost of on-street parking spaces was estimated by dividing it into private and external costs.
METHODS : We established a methodology and conducted a case analysis of Seoul. Private costs were estimated from the guidelines and historical data collected. The opportunity cost of the land was estimated using spatial information. External costs built a macroscopic model (using TransCAD) and estimated travel time, operation, accident, and environmental costs.
RESULTS : The social cost per space was estimated at 77 million won. Private costs were analyzed as 133.3 billion won, the opportunity cost of the land was 68,555 billion won, and external costs were 118,25 billion won in 2020.
CONCLUSIONS : In this study, a methodology for estimating the social cost of a road parking facility was established and applied to the case of Seoul. Therefore, it is expected to contribute to the objective reviewing of the feasibility of policy evaluation or facility investment related to parking facilities.
습지의 생태-사회적 가치는 인간사회에 혜택을 준다. 많은 나라들이 습지를 보전하고 보호하기 위해 노력하고 있다. 하지만 많은 습지들은 자연적 교란과 함께 인위적 교란으로 인해 소실되거나 구획화되었다. 구획화된 습지 는 경관생태학적 연구의 주 대상이 되는데 이는 습지를 효율적으로 관리하고 보전하는 데 매우 중요하다. 본 연구 는 행정구역상 경상남도 습지의 공간-사회적 분포양상을 파악하기 위해서 습지의 분포와 크기, 습지 간의 거리, 습 지의 경관학적 형태, 토지이용현황, 공시지가 등을 연구하 였다. 경상남도 내에는 146개(3,598.85 ha)의 습지가 분 포해 있고 하천습지가 76개(1,955.60 ha), 범람습지가 49 개(1,282.28 ha), 산지습지가 21개(1,282.28 ha)이었다. 대 부분의 습지들이 크기가 작고(⁄2 ha) 농경지에 둘러 쌓 여 있었다. 많은 습지들이 구획화되어 있고 훼손상태가 심각하지만 하천습지와 농업용 수로를 이용하여 연결할 수 있는 것으로 보인다. 습지의 연결성 확대를 통한 습지 서식처의 확장은 습지에 의존하여 서식하는 생물들의 보 전에 매우 유의할 것으로 생각된다. 많은 습지들이 현재 농업용수확보를 위한 유지로 이용되고 있고 국유지의 비 율이 높아 추후 습지의 훼손과 소실은 국가단위의 대규 모 계획공사로 인할 가능성이 높으므로 생태적으로 민감 한 행정과 법률의 개발이 습지의 보전과 관리를 위해 중 요하다.
Many historical research and facet about modern art in Indonesia which formulating background of contemporary Indonesian Art. Indonesian art critic Sanento Yuliman states that Modern art has been rapidly developing in Indonesia since the Indonesian Independence in 1945. Modern Art is a part of the super culture of the Indonesian metropolitan and is closely related to the contact between the Indonesian and Western Cultures. Its birth was part of the nationalism project, when the Indonesian people consists of various ethnics were determined to become a new nation, the Indonesian nation, and they wished for a new culture, and therefore, a new art . The period 1960s, which was the beginning of the creation and development of the painters and the painters associations, was the first stage of the development of modern art in Indonesia. The second stage showed the important role of the higher education institutes for art. These institutes have developed since the 1950s and in the 1970s they were the main education institutes for painters and other artists. The artists awareness of the medium, forms or the organization of shapes were encouraged more intensely and these encouraged the exploring and experimental attitudes. Meanwhile, the information about the world's modern art, particularly Western Art; was widely and rapidly spread. The 1960s and 1970s were marked by the development of various abstractions and abstract art and the great number of explorations in various new media, like the experiment with collage, assemblage, mixed media. The works of the Neo Art Movement-group in the second half of the 1970s and in the 1980s shows environmental art and installations, influenced by the elements of popular art, from the commercial world and mass media, as well as the involvement of art in the social and environmental affairs. The issues about the environment, frequently launched by the intellectuals in the period of economic development starting in the 1970s, echoed among the artists, and they were widened in the social, art and cultural circles. The Indonesian economic development following the important change in the 1970s has caused a change in the life of the middle and upper class society, as has the change in various aspects of a big city, particularly Jakarta. The new genre emerged in 1975 which indicates contemporary art in Indonesia, when a group of young artists organized a movement, which was widely known as the Indonesian New Art Movement. This movement criticized international style, universalism and the long standing debate on an east-west-dichotomy. As far as the actual practice of the arts was concerned the movement criticized the domination of the art of painting and saw this as a sign of stagnation in Indonesian art development. Based on this criticism ‘the movement’ introduced ready-mades and installations (Jim Supangkat) . Takes almost two decades that the New Art Movement activists were establishing Indonesian Installation art genre as contemporary paradigm and influenced the 1980's generation like, FX Harsono, Dadang Christanto, Arahmaiani, Tisna Sanjaya, Diyanto, Andarmanik, entering the 1990's decade as “rebellion period”; reject towards established aesthetic mainstream i.e. painting, sculpture, graphic art which are insufficient to express “new language” and artistic needs especially to mediate social politic and cultural situation. Installation Art which contains open possibilities of creation become a vehicle for aesthetic establishment rejection and social politics stagnant expression in 1990s. Installation art accommodates two major field; first, the rejection of aesthetic establishment has a consequences an artists quest for medium; deconstruction models and cross disciplines into multi and intermedia i.e. performance, music, video etc. Second aspect is artists' social politic intention for changes, both conclude as characteristics of Indonesian Installation Art and establishing the freedom of expression in contemporary Indonesian Art until today.
본 연구는 사회적 트라우마를 남기게 되었던 사건·사고에 대한 국내외 추모시설을 대상으로, 사회적 공감과 치유의 공간으로서 기능강화 및 기능회복을 도모하기 위해 주디스 허먼의 트라우마 치유회복단계를 적용하여 고찰하였다. 연구방법으로는 전문서적, 보고서, 논문이나 인터넷 자료, 직접 답사 등을 통해 자료를 수집하고 분석하였다. 그 결과, 국내사례의 경우 대부분 치유회복의 1단계 안정에 대한 기능은 보유하고 있으나, 기억과 애도의 기능은 매우 약한 것으로 평가된다. 희생자의 가족과 지인에게만 제공되는 추모의 공간기능이 일부 이루어질 뿐, 일반인들에 대한 기억과 애도의 기능은 거의 없다. 국외사례의 경우 1단계 안전과 2단계 기억과 희생을 추모할 수 있는 충분한 공간기능을 최대화하고 있으며, 3단계 평화와 사랑의 중요성 등을 함께 공감할 수 있는 기회를 제공하고 있다. 상기의 결과를 바탕으로 국내 메모리얼 공간적 기능향상 을 위한 시사점을 제시하면, 1단계 안전에 대한 명확한 의미전달을 위해 장소성, 연결성이 매우 중요하다. 2단계 기억과 애도의 기능강화를 위해서는 방문객들이 아픔을 공감할 수 있는 다양한 체험의 기회를 오감을 적극 활용하여 제공해야 한다. 3단계 연결과 공통성의 회복을 위해서는 1, 2단계와의 선순환적 공간기능이 필수적이다. 방문객들의 공간내 체재시간 확대를 유도를 통해 메모리얼의 의미, 공간의 명확한 목적과 기능을 우선적으로 수립되어야 한다.
This study was conducted for the purpose of deriving implications by observing the changing patterns and characteristics of the farmland reduction area in urban vicinity with Gimhae city, Gyeongsangnam-do as the subject. In order to achieve this goal, we first examined the problems and possibilities of farmland reduction area in urban vicinity through a theoretical review. Additionally, the characteristics of land use and community were examined for Gimhae city, Gyeongsangnam-do. The results of the study are summarized as follows. First, for 35 years from 1981 to 2015, Gimhae decreased 50.52㎢ of farmland, which is about 17.4 times that of Yoido, and about 69.4% of the decreased farmland area. Second, the decrease in agricultural land has been expanding to the whole of Gimhae City from 1990 to 2010, and has been continuing since 2010 around dong-area. Third, in the farmland reduction area in urban vicinity, the number of settlements increases rapidly, but the aging population also increases. Fourth, the composition of the community is getting complicated with the change of the members. Taken together, it is necessary to manage the area efficiently because rapid change is present in the farmland reduction area in urban vicinity. Based on this, the implications are summarized as follows. First, there is a change in land use due to the reduction of farmland not designated as agricultural development region. Therefore, it is necessary to supplement the farmland-conversion standard. Second, despite the fact that land use management has been carried out, there have been problems such as uncontrolled development due to the development pressure beyond institutional management, and therefore it is necessary to improve the structural defects of the pertinent legal system. Fourth, while the traditional farming activities are decreasing with the decrease of agricultural land area, the increase in farms with secondary jobs and the urban-rural interchanges organization’s efforts can lead to increased visits from outsiders that seek rural tourism and experiential learning.
이 논문은 근대의 세례를 받은 기독교 신지식인들이 3.1운동 이후 새롭게 형성된 ‘제한된’ 담론공간 안에서 젠더에 대한 사회적 논의에 어떤 방식으로 참여했는지 고찰한다. 젠더 이슈는 정치적 자유가 허용되지 않았던 일제 식민체제 하에서 근대사회에 대한 사회적 논의를 본격화시킨 촉매제 역할을 했다. 기독교 신지식인들은 새로운 변화에 ‘기대’와 ‘불안’을 동시에 표출하며 ‘근대’와 ‘전통’의 충돌에서 발생되는 파열음을 도덕적 균형으로 최소화하려는 전략을 보여주었다. 개개인의 자유를 억압하는 일체의 관습과 전통을 거부하는 자유주의 여성들에 대해서는 소비주의와 결합된 도덕적 일탈과 가정으로부터의 이탈을 경계하며 ‘가정’이야말로 남녀평등의 근간이 될 수 있음을 강조했다. 반면에 사회적 불평등에 대한 문제제기와 이에 대한 근본적 변화를 요구한 사회주의 여성들과는 이념적 급진성에도 불구하고 연대의 틀을 모색하고 ‘남녀평등’이 실현된 문명사회에 대한 이상을 공유하고자 시도했다. 이를 기반으로 여성해방논의가 더욱 확장되었음은 물론이다. 그러나 탈정치화된 문화지형의 틀 안에서 생존을 모색했던 만큼 기독교 신지식인들의 젠더 논의는 근본적인 인식의 한계를 드러내기도 했다. 우선 ‘문명사회의 실현’을 근대의 이상으로 제시하는 과정에서 서구적 근대의 사상적 종속을 인식하지 못한 채 서구 중산층의 근대적 욕구를 근대사회의 이상적 가치로 수용했다. 이는 서구사회에 대한 동경으로 이어졌다. 즉 그 어떤 정치적 자유도 결코 허용되지 않았던 식민지 현실에서 ‘남녀평등’과 ‘여성해방’을 중립적 근대가치로 치환시킴으로써 평등사회에 대한 갈망과 정치적 해방의 욕구를 서구문화에 대한 동경으로 해소하게 만드는 결과를 초래했다. 또한 식민지 조선에 대한 현실 인식에 있어서도 일본과 미국을 포함한 세계열강들의 식민주의 확장과 식민체제로부터 파생된 억압적 현실을 간과한 채, 그 근본원인을 조선의 ‘근대적 결핍’에서 찾았다. 이들은 조선여성들의 의지부족이나 미성숙한 정신 또는 교육환경의 낙후성 등을 조선여성운동의 저해요인으로 지목했다. 하지만 자신들 스스로가 식민지 조선에 쏟아져 들어오고 있었던 ‘식민화된 근대’의 주요채널이 되고 있음을 인식하지는 못했다.
The purpose of this study is to show the relation of the change between spacial structure and social conditions of rural area. The spacial structure change of Asan city was analyzed using Space Syntax, and multiple regression analysis (dependent variables: connectivity, global integration, local integration / independent variables: population, household, farm population, farm population of 65years old and over, farm household, part-time farm households, cultivated land) was accomplished. As th result, that the increase of connectivity is related to the increase of population and farm population of 65years old and over and the decrease of farm population, and the increase of local integration is related to the increase of farm population of 65years old and over was showed. However, that global integration is not related to change of social conditions was proved.