한국에서 2010년 즈음부터 “엄벌주의” 형사정책이 지속되고 있다는 주장은 더 이 상 새롭지 않다. 일반적으로 한국에서 “엄벌주의”로 사용되는 영어 “punitiveness”는 미국을 비롯한 ‘선진’ 민주주의 국가에서 1970년대 이후 등장한 형벌 전개를 설명하 는 역사적 단어다. 이는 규범화(normalization)를 핵심으로 하는 근대적 형벌성 (modern penality)이 여전히 존재하면서도, 이와 구분되는 과도한 처벌적, 침해적 성격의 형벌 동향을 설명하기 위한 용어다. 해외 이론을 참조의 틀로 활용해 현재 한국 형벌을 부분적으로 설명하려는 시도는 충분히 의미 있는 작업이 될 수 있다. 특히, 단순히 기존 이론들의 개념적 정의만을 취하는 것이 아니라, 그것들은 어떤 사회적/지적 맥락 속에 위치하며, 그 핵심 기제 및 특징은 무엇인지, 그리고 이들의 유사점과 차이점은 무엇인지 등을 충실히 이해한 다면 더욱 유용할 것이다. 이 논문의 목적은 다음과 같다: 1. “엄벌주의”와 “punitiveness”라는 두 용어를 간 략히 살펴본다; 2. 엄벌성(punitiveness)을 포함하여, 1970년대 이후의 형벌 전개를 설명한 해외 이론들은 구체적으로 어떤 현상을 말하고자 했던 것인지 다양한 논자들 의 핵심을 기술한다; 3. 동 시기 형벌을 설명한 대표 이론인 O’Malley의 뉴라이트 형 벌성(New-right penality)과 Pratt의 문명과 형벌(Civilization and punishment) 이론을 살펴본 후, 그 맥락 속에서 형벌 포퓰리즘 이론에 대해 논의한다.

This study aimed to compare the effects of self-regulation, goal orientation, and speaking anxiety on speaking performance between metaverse and face-to-face contexts. We randomly assigned 253 Korean middle school students to either metaverse or face-toface groups for 12 weeks of English-speaking lessons. Before and after the experiment, students completed speaking tests and submitted a post-questionnaire. Structural equation modeling and multi-group analysis revealed that student attributes had a similar impact on speaking performance in both settings. Specifically, self-regulation and mastery goal orientation positively influenced speaking performance, while speaking anxiety had a negative effect, regardless of the context. Furthermore, self-regulation played a mediating role in reducing speaking anxiety in both settings. This implies that metaverse-mediated and face-to-face classes offer similar learning environments, where students can leverage their goal orientation and self-regulation skills to manage speaking anxiety. Ultimately, students can enhance their speaking performance by employing selfregulation strategies and nurturing a mastery goal orientation, irrespective of the learning context.

This research investigated how residential mobility affects consumers' trust in digital consumption environments (e.g., online shopping). Due to today's digitalization, consumers' trust in digital environments is treated as important. However, work has yet to be explored that the trust of digital environments can differ depending on residential mobility. This article highlights key findings from the relationship between residential mobility and trust in digital environments. Trust in digital environments may vary depending on residential mobility. As a result of the data analysis, the lower the residential mobility, the lower the trust in digital environments, while the higher the residential mobility, the higher the trust in digital environments.

세계기독교(World Christianity, 지구촌기독교) 논의는 20세기 후반 매스미디어, 통신, 교통의 빠른 발달로 전지구적인 기독교를 처음으로 인식하면서 시작되었다. 특별히 지난 30여 년간 많은 역사학 과 선교학자들 간의 통전적인 연구는 우리가 서구문명 중심적인 시각에 서 벗어나 지구전체의 차원에서 기독교를 바라보도록 근본적으로 도전 하였다. 본 논문에서는 이러한 세계기독교 현상의 핵심적인 신학적 특성을 글로벌(Global)과 로컬(Loca)의 합성어인 글로컬리티(Glocality)라 고 주장하고자 한다. 이를 위해 먼저 ‘세계기독교의 대두’ 현상에 대해서 간략하게 언급하고, 세계기독교가 탄생하게 된 사회문화적배경 (socio-cultural context)을 살펴보겠다. 다음으로 글로컬리티에 대 한 어원연구와 함께 앤드류 월스(Andrew Walls), 라민 사네(Lamin Sanneh), 뱅트 순드클러(Bengt Sundkler)와 같은 신학자들이 어떤 식으로 글로컬리티 이해를 발전시켰는지를 탐구할 것이다. 끝으로 글로컬리티가 왜 세계기독교를 이해하는데 중요한 특성이 되는지, 이것이 오늘날 각 지역의 기독교인들이 자신들의 전통을 더욱 풍부히 인식하게 만드는 결과가 되는지를 밝히도록 하겠다.

WAIS in South Korea and WEU Inc. in Philadelphia hosting the 22nd World Peace Island Forum: Remembering Jeju King Cherry Trees Bio-diplomacy (1943) in Washington D.C. and the first Korean Congress Democracy (1919) in Philadelphia which organized by the Korean Provisional Government from March 22 to 24, 2022. We want to propose cultural historic events which connect American and Korean society, such as the Trip to Faith and Liberty Hall that relate to the integration processes of Korean and American Democracy. Dean Max Friedman of American University calls the Jeju King cherry trees cultural event bio-diplomacy among world citizens. In addition, the Korean embassy evaluated the cherry tree event as a new kind of bio-diplomacy approach which paves the way for understanding different cultures in different countries. The aim of this paper is to share present contexts and meanings about both the first Korean Congress Democracy (1919) and Bio-diplomacy (1943). We had also the 2022 GAN Korea Jeju to Philadelphia Webinar Conference: Diversity as a New Diversity for Global Ageing Network in New Normal: Jeju Village Healing, PASSi Asian Culture, Japanese Indigenous Peace Culture, and Busan Smart Health Care approach.

Despite the popularity of the TOEIC in the Korean society for over 30 years, few studies have investigated the understanding and usage of TOEIC scores in the Korean context. This research gap needs to be filled to provide test users with useful information in the Korean context. Using an argument-based approach to validation, this study investigates the meanings and uses of the TOEIC scores in the Korean context, based on analyses of records publicly available at the YBM website (i.e., TOEIC administrator in Korea). One hundred ninety-four documents published between 2012 and 2017 were collected from the website and the data were analyzed by combining the content and the context analyses. Findings reveal that contextual factors affect the understanding and usage of scores by different TOEIC stakeholders. The document data reveal unintended meanings and uses of the scores.

본 연구의 목적은 두 가지 서로 다른 과제 맥락에서 학생들이 사용하는 암석 기술어를 비교하고 암석 학습에 적합한 과제의 특징을 밝히는 것이었다. 이를 위하여 24명의 초등학교 3학년 학생들에게 3가지 퇴적암에 관한 기술 과제와 추론 과제를 제시하고, 각 과제의 맥락에서 학생들이 사용한 암석 기술어를 학생의 개념에 관한 자원 기반 관점에 따라 분석하였다. 그 결과, 기술 과제에 비하여 추론 과제에서 일상적인 기술어를 사용하여 암석의 특징을 기술한 학생 수와 일상적인 기술어의 사용 빈도가 감소하였다. 또, 학문적으로 보다 적절한 기술어를 사용한 학생이 암석의 생성 과정에 대해서도 과학적으로 타당한 추론을 하는 것을 알 수 있었다. 반면, 과학적인 타당성이 부족한 추론들은 대개 일상적인 기술어를 사용하여 암석의 특징을 기술한 경우에 발견되었다. 이러한 연구 결과를 바탕으로 지구과학의 본질적 특징에 적합한 암석 학습을 위해서는 추론적인 과제가 제시되어야 함을 논의하였다.

This study aligns with the recent calls in L2 Willingness to Communicate (WTC) research that mark a shift from viewing WTC as a static, trait-like variable to a construct that is dynamic, fluid, and situational. To accomplish this aim, this study collected both interactional and interview data to examine the situational changes of an ESL learner’s WTC. The data was from two courses – one ESL course, and one academic graduate seminar – collected during the participant’s first semester at an American university. The findings show that the participant’s WTC fluctuates according to the course topic, interlocutors, group size, and the anxiety level of the L2 speaker. These findings imply that teachers in L2 classrooms need to take into consideration the various situational factors that promote or inhibit WTC. Other than these pedagogical implications, the study also offers a methodological framework for documenting situational WTC by means of combining interviews with conversation analysis of interactional data.

Introduction Understanding political brands is a pertinent concern for the British Crown Dependency of Guernsey. Guernsey is a Channel Island, part of the British Isles yet not a member of the European Union. In addition, Guernsey currently has a nonpolitical party system and all thirty-eight Members of Parliament [otherwise known as Deputies] are independent figures. Further, deputies stand as individuals, and members often form informal alliances repeatedly referred to as collections of constantly changing coalitions of support or ‘quasi-political parties’ Guernsey is set to hold an island-wide referendum by March 2018 on the island’s electoral process, moving from seven constituencies to one island-wide constituency. The Guernsey Government believe the 2018 referendum will impact the way Members of Parliament are elected and envisage the creation and introduction of ‘political parties’, or formal alliances in anticipation for the 2020 General Election. The creation and introduction of political parties [political brands] on Guernsey would be unprecedented to the current-historic political environment of a non-party system structured by independent, individual politicians. Further, it is unknown whether the creation and introduction of political ‘party’ brands would have the same appeal, benefits and success compared with independent ‘individual’ political brands. This presents a unique opportunity for the proposed piece of research, which will have an impact as to whether political parties [political party brands] are desired by Guernsey’s elected representatives and Guernsey citizens-voters, and if so, how will new political parties be created and conceptualised. However, in order to address this we need to frame the study within the sub-discipline of political branding. The application of commercial branding theory to politics is nothing new (O’Cass and Voola 2011; O’Shaughnessy and Baines 2009; Rutter et al. 2015). There is a shared understanding that political parties, pressure groups, politicians, candidates and campaigns can be conceptualised as ‘brands’ (Guzman and Sierra 2009; Needham and Smith 2015; Peng and Hackley 2009; Pich et al. 2016; Scammell 2015; Smith 2009). Further, the sub-discipline of political branding has become a ‘critical’ and ‘priority’ issue that warrants continued attention (Speed et al. 2015). The application of branding to politics has been described as the most appropriate way to understand the political ‘product’ and a mechanism to frame the deconstruction process to understand the political promise put forward by political actors (Scammell 2015). Political brands are complex, multi-layered entities which are often difficult to unbundle (Lees-Marshment 2009; Lock and Harris 1996; Phipps et al. 2010). Further, political brands are powerful tools used as a short-cut mechanism to deconstruct the rational and irrational elements of the political offering (Scammell 2015). This is reinforced with continued calls for future research to focus on generating deeper insight into how political brands are developed and understood particularly in new settings and contexts (Needham and Smith 2015; Nielsen 2016; Ormrod and Henneberg 2011; Pich and Dean 2015; Scammell 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Subsequently, the objectives of this study are to: - Investigate how current non-party political brands create, develop and communicate their brand identity from the perspective of elected representatives - Explore how current non-party political brand image is understood from the perspective of Guernsey voters - Ascertain whether elected representatives and Guernsey voters desire political ‘party’ brands for the 2020 General Election. Theoretical Background Political brands can be considered a trinity of elements including the party, leader and policy (Butler et al. 2011; Davies and Mian 2010; Pich and Dean 2015; Speed et al. 2015). The trinity of elements need to ensure clear identification and differentiation from political competitors (Ahmed et al. 2015; Nielsen 2016; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Smith 2008). In addition, effective political brands should be strong, appealing, trustworthy, offer resonance, act as a decision making driver which in turn will support strategy development and build awareness in the mind of voters-citizens (Ahmed et al. 2015; Baines and Harris 2011; O’Cass and Voola 2011). However, the existing literature has tended to focus on ‘party’ political systems and overlooked political brands from non-party political systems where all candidates and politicians are independent candidates and representatives. Nevertheless, what about other typologies of political brands like in non-party systems? In addition, the existing body of knowledge has not explained how political brands exist or develop without the ‘party’ element from the trinity. This proposition is supported the demand for more depth and understanding on political brands especially non-party ‘individual’ political brands [elected representatives] (French and Smith 2010; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Peng and Hackley 2009; Scammell 2015). Despite the calls for more research in this area, there are a few studies that have investigated ‘individual’ political brands. More specifically, studies have focused on politicians or candidates from political ‘parties’ in terms of brand personality, equity, identity or image and often compared ‘corporate’ and ‘individual’ political brands (Cwalina and Falkowski 2014; De Landtsheer and De Vries 2015; Milewicz and Milewicz 2014; Smith and Spotswood 2013; Speed et al. 2015). For example, Smith and Spotswood (2013) comparatively considered the brand equity of the UK Liberal Democrat Party from a corporate and individual-local perspective. Smith and Spotwood (2013) highlighted that successful political brands whether corporate or local-individual) communicated clear expectations, focused values, believable promises to constituents, which is often easier at a local rather than national level. Further, Smith and Spotwood (2013) argued that successful corporate political brands would depend on consistency between corporate and local-individual political brands. However, the work by Smith and Spotswood (2013) was developed from speeches, articles and other discourse rather than from the personal perspective of internal stakeholders. Therefore, more depth and understanding from a multi-stakeholder perspective would reveal greater insight into the individual-local political brand particularly in non-party contexts. Existing political branding research primarily adopts either an internal (Busby and Cronshaw 2015; Cwalina and Falkowski 2014; de Landtsheer and Vries 2015; Milewicz and Milewicz 2014; Smith and Spotswood 2013) or external perspective to frame studies (French and Smith 2010; Peng and Hackley 2009; Phipps et al. 2010). More specifically, research devoted to an internal ‘brand identity’ perspective directs its attention to the political party, candidate or politician. Brand identity can be conceptualised as the current intended projection formulated and communicated by the brand’s creator with the aim of attempting to establish a desired identity in the mind of the consumer (de Chernatony 2007; Kapferer 2008). Further, brand identity can be seen as a useful approach to generate a deep understanding from an internal standpoint and capture the ‘central ideas of a brand and how the brand communicates these ideas to stakeholders’ (de Chernatony 2007:45; Ross and Harradine 2011; Saaksjarvi and Samiee 2011). In contrast, research focusing on an external ‘brand image’ perspective considers the political offering from a citizen-voter orientation (Needham and Smith 20015; Nielsen 2016; O’Cass 2001). Brand image can be considered as the current-immediate associations perceived and formulated in the mind of the consumer, which is often out of control of the brand’s creator (Nandan 2005; Rekom et al. 2006). In addition, brand image is externally created, and manifested through unique associations and perceptions, experiences and expectations linked to physical and intangible elements of a brand (Bosch et al. 2006a; Nandan 2005). Therefore, future research should attempt to capture insight into how political brands develop and communicate identity and how political brands are understood from an internal [revealed by the politician] and external perspective [revealed by the voter] (Baines et al. 2014; Needham and Smith 2015; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Pich and Dean 2015). However, how can we actually comprehend current political brand identity and political brand image? One study that explored an ‘internal-relational orientation’ of several individual political brands was the work by Pich and Dean (2015). Pich and Dean (2015) explored the internal brand identity of UK Conservative Party politicians prior the 2010 UK General Election with the support of Kapferer’s brand identity prism (Kapferer 2008). Further, the work by Pich and Dean (2015) not only revealed the complex related yet distinct nature of individual political brands and their relationship with their ‘corporate Conservative Party’ political brand but also demonstrated the problematic nature of applying the brand identity prism in its original form to deconstruct the internal orientation of a political brand. Pich and Dean (2015) concluded with a revised framework known as the ‘political brand identity network’ and challenged future studies to consider this as a workable tool to understand individual political brands from an internal-relational perspective. However, Pich and Dean (2015) concluded that the ‘political brand identity network’ could also support the understanding of external brand image. Therefore, could the ‘political brand identity network’ aid the exploration of internal political brand identity and external political brand image of non-party political brands? Responding to this gap in the body of knowledge, this research will explore the internal brand identity of an ‘individual’ political brand from the perspective of elected representatives and investigate the external brand image of non-party political brand from the perspective of Guernsey voters. In addition, this study will assess the operationalisation of the ‘political brand identity network’ put forward by Pich and Dean (2015). Further, responding to the challenge from Pich and Dean (2015), this study will assess the usability of the political brand identity network to understand non-party political brand identity and political brand image. This will address the limited development of ‘appropriate models’ and frameworks that can be used to assist political entities in understanding their offering and support strategy development (Nielsen 2015; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Ormrod 2011; Scammell 2015). Confusion and advancement can be addressed by building on existing research by assessing existing models and frameworks in comparison with new settings and contexts (Nielsen 2016; O’Cass 2001; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Ormrod and Henneberg 2011; Scammell 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Research Design As this study aims to explore non-party political brands from a multi-stakeholder perspective, a qualitative interpretivist approach is adopted (Creswell 2007; Welch et al. 2011). This is consistent with the calls across the political branding discipline for more exploratory empirical research (French and Smith 2010; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Peng and Hackley 2009; Scammell 2015). This study will involve two stages. Stage one involves twenty-one semi-structured interviews with current elected Deputies. Deputies from across the eight districts of Guernsey namely; Vale, Vale-West, St Sampson, St Peter Port-North, St Peter Port-South, South East, West and Castel (www.gov.gg) have been selected. Interviews will last between 60-90 minutes and will be conducted by the researchers from March 2018-May 2018. Stage two involves twelve focus group discussions with Guernsey citizens-voters. Focus group discussions will be organised according to voter age group following the conventional approach adopted by research organisitions such as YOUGOV and IPSOS-MORI to explore political brand image. More specifically, this study will adopt purposive sampling framework and Guernsey citizens will be grouped from 18-24, 25-34, 35-44, 45-54, 55-64 and 65+ and each group will serve to frame each focus group discussion (Gillham 2005; Malhotra and Birks 2003). Focus group discussions will be conducted July-September 2018. Pilot interviews and focus group discussions were conducted in October 2017 to assess the usability of the interview-focus group schedules and aided developmentrefinement (Gillham 2005). The ‘political brand identity network’ (Pich and Dean 2015) serves as a conceptual framework to provide some structure the interviews-focus group discussions and be incorporated into the interview-focus group schedules (Gillham 2005; Zikmund 2003).Transcripts from the semi-structured interviews and the focus group discussions will be thematically analysed with the support of Butler- Kisber’s (2010) two-stage analytical approach. Findings The findings from stage one of the study will generate insight on how current nonparty political brands create, develop and communicate their brand identity from the perspective of elected representatives. For example, the findings will highlight how non-party political brands create-develop communication strategies and tactics, the significance of individual political personality as a tool to provide differentiation and whether personal values are used to characterise the brands (Ahmed et al. 2015; Nielsen 2016; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Smith 2008). The findings from stage two of the study will reveal how current non-party political brand image is understood from the perspective of Guernsey voters. For example, the insights linked to political brand image will reveal consistencies and incoherencies with communicated identity and awareness of communication strategies-tactics, personality characteristics and personal-cultural values of Deputies (Pich and Dean 2015). Stage two will also reveal understanding as to whether Guernsey citizens-voters desire political ‘party’ brands. This will address the third objective of the study. This in turn will highlight the ideal conceptualised political brand for Guernsey developed from a multi-stakeholder perspective. Discussion This study will also reveal the relationships between current Deputies and constituents, personal-working relationships with stakeholders across government departments and understanding of attitudes and opinions of political issues such as the introduction of parties. This in turn will introduce first-hand accounts of current non-party political brand identities. In addition, this stage will reveal if the ‘party’ dimension is the only missing element from the triad and provide understanding of the relevance of the ‘policy’ and ‘leader-politician’ dimensions (Butler et al. 2011; Davies and Mian 2010; Pich and Dean 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Further, this study will provide understanding into the relationships between voters and Deputies and highlight the perceptions, associations and imagery Guernsey voters ascribe to non-party political brands (Bosch et al. 2006a; Nandan 2005). This research will also reveal understanding as to whether Guernsey citizens-voters desire political ‘party’ brands. This in turn could result in a reconceptualization of political brands, which extends the political brand triad (Butler et al. 2011; Davies and Mian 2010; Pich and Dean 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Further, a revised definition could be tailored to the unique setting of island communities and this could have implications to other jurisdictions with non-traditional political brands. Finally, the applied findings will address the challenge put forward by Pich and Dean (2015) to assess the usability of the ‘brand identity network’ as a mechanism to explore internal political brand identity and external political brand image. This will go some way in addressing the limited number of ‘appropriate frameworks’ than can be used to assist researchers to understand brands and develop strategies to address any inconsistencies or misalignment between communicated identity and understood image (Nielsen 2015; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Ormrod 2011; Scammell 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Conclusion Subsequently, this study will seek to understand how independent elected representatives currently create and develop political brand identity and explore how Guernsey voters understand political brand image of non-party brands. Further, the findings will highlight a contribution to practice. For example, this study will reveal implications of the introduction of political ‘party’ brands to the prospective of an island-wide voting environment from the perspective of internal [Deputies] and external [citizens-voters] stakeholders. This research will offer internal political stakeholders insight into the perceptions, attitudes and opinions of external citizensvoters in terms of prospective political ‘party’ brands, desired configuration of political ‘party’ brands and highlight whether political ‘party’ brands have a role to play in the reformed electoral process on Guernsey. Further, the findings will offer internal political stakeholders the opportunity to design, create and develop their political brands in line with the wants and needs of the electorate, which in turn should strengthen political engagement, maintain personal relationships between politicians-voters and allow for the establishment of a tailored approach to political brand management in non-traditional political environments. Further, the findings will have a direct impact on the debate as to how Guernsey’s electoral process develops following the 2018 Island Wide Referendum and legislates prior the 2020 Guernsey General Election. The findings will also have implications beyond non-party systems of government for example it may offer existing party-systems of government practical methods and initiatives to strengthen voter engagement and develop stakeholder relationships across jurisdictions and constituencies. This study will also contribute to academic theory. For example, the addressed objectives will offer the researchers an opportunity reconceptualise political brands particularly in non-traditional contexts based on deep insight from the perspectives of citizens-voters, which in turn will allow the sub-discipline of political branding to advance-develop as an area of study (Needham and Smith 20015; Nielsen 2016; O’Cass 2001; Pich et al. 2016; Scammel 2015). In addition, this study will address explicit calls for future research in this area by outlining how independent political brands exist or develop without the ‘party’ element from the trinity assess the applicability of the ‘trinity’ concept to new jurisdictions. Finally, this study will assess the applicability of the ‘political brand identity network’ (Pich and Dean 2015) as a tool to explore internal political brand identity and external political brand image of non-party political brands from a multi-stakeholder perspective.

Globalization has coined cultural flows across national borders, resulting in different behaviors towards foreign products. Different approaches explain consumption in multicultural contexts such as consumer disposition. Based on literature review, this study organizes different dispositions constructs in relation to one’s own country and to foreign countries proposing a conceptual framework.

Intelligibility is considered key to successful and effective human communication. The intelligibility of the English used by its non-native speakers is the subject of much research enquiry, and as English continues to strengthen its foothold in international settings as the global lingua franca, the issue of mutual intelligibility has never been of greater importance. The paper begins by examining “intelligibility” as conceptualized by scholars in the fields of World Englishes (WE) and English as a lingua franca (ELF). While WE scholars approach the subject by investigating the international intelligibility of the new varieties of English, particularly to other non-native speakers of the language, ELF researchers seek to uncover how speakers negotiate and co-construct intelligibility in interaction, and the kinds of accommodation strategies employed in the process. Although the underlying assumptions and the methodologies associated with the 2 fields are not always congruent, the findings contribute towards developing a clearer picture of the subject of intelligibility in global communication. The paper ends by considering the pedagogical implications of the findings of intelligibility studies in WE and ELF.

Scores on the Test of English for International Communication Listening and Reading (TOEIC LR) have been used for rolling-based university admissions in South Korea. Because this test is not designed for that purpose by the testing organization, there may be a need to explore the validity of TOEIC LR score use for admission purposes. Accordingly, this study investigated how admissions officers in South Korea perceived TOEIC LR scores and their uses and why they used the scores for admission purposes. We adopted a sequential mixed-method design (Creswell & Clark, 2011) involving three phases of data collection: (1) analysis of application handbooks to identify the questionnaire survey target, (2) a survey of faculty (n = 20) involved in admissions, and (3) semi-structured interviews with selected participants (n = 5) to delve into their questionnaire responses. The findings were that (a) almost half of the universities in Korea were implementing special admissions and accepted the scores on the recognized English tests; (b) use of the test lacks validity because most of the admissions officers did not view the test scores as an indicator of English proficiency and academic aptitude; (c) approximately half of the admissions officers viewed the scores as a reflection of an applicant’s effort, test-taking skills learned at language institutes, and former residence in English-speaking countries; and (d) the TOEIC LR scores were used due to a lack of other English tests as well as social pressure such as test fees and testing site availability.

The purpose of this study is two-fold: (1) to find context-specific motivational factors in Korean college contexts within the framework of Gardner’s integrativeness and Dörnyei’s (2005, 2009) L2 Motivational Self System; (2) to examine how those motivational factors explain motivated behavior. For this purpose, motivation data by 787 students was analyzed. The factor analysis revealed eight factors in Korean context: promotional instrumentality, bad learning experience, ought-to L2 self, integrativeness, elusive ideal L2 self, ethnocentrism, intercultural avoidance, and international posture. The regression analysis showed that four motivational factors, bad learning experience, ought-to L2 self, elusive ideal L2 self, and promotional instrumentality, significantly explained the participants’ motivated behavior. The findings indicate that there existed context-specific motivational factors which could better explain success of L2 in Korean EFL college contexts. The theoretical and pedagogical implications were provided at the conclusion.

In Conversation Analysis (CA), laughter, which is treated as a systematically produced activity, has been investigated in connection with troubles. This paper examines initiating laughter in three writing tutoring sessions at a university writing center in Korea, deploying the method of CA. Laughter can be used in two ways in the dataset. Firstly, tutors can use laughter to mitigate their negative assessment about the studentʹs essay. Along with delays and mitigating expressions, laughter infiltrated in the assessment can mitigate the dispreferred nature of the negative assessment. Secondly, both tutors and students can display their talk or action as inappropriate through laughter. The tutor uses laughter when producing talk that can be treated problematic or accountable. The students join in the tutorʹs laughter, and this shared laughter mitigates the problematic nature of the tutorʹs talk. Students may similarly use laughter to display their awareness of the inappropriate nature of their talk or conduct, when responding to the tutorʹs questions. The analysis suggests that laughter can be associated with interactional troubles. The conclusion will include comparisons with other institutional contexts.

This study investigated the effects of using comic strips and context on the vocabulary learning of Korean high school students. Ninety high school students participated in the study and they were divided into three groups: a control group and two experimental groups using comic strips and using context, respectively. In addition, questionnaires were used to investigate students’ attitudes toward English vocabulary learning. The results of the study revealed that there were statistically significant differences in productive vocabulary retention among three groups in terms of short-term memory. In particular, the experimental groups showed high short-term memory rate compared with the control group, which may mean that the use of comic strips and context in English vocabulary learning is effective in improving learners’ productive vocabulary retention. Also there was a statistically significant difference in productive vocabulary retention among three groups in terms of long-term memory. The experimental groups showed a high long-term memory rate compared with the control group. The results of the questionnaire revealed that the two experimental groups showed more positive attitudes towards English vocabulary learning. This may suggest that teaching vocabulary with comic strips and context could be effective for students in English classes, and it is very helpful to develop various activities using comic strips and context.

Autonomia movement that emerged in Italy in the 1960s from workerist (operaismo) communism gives historical and discursive context to Manfredo Tafuri’s famous criticism of ideology. His thesis on the death of architecture was a radical criticism of Keynesian intervention which was a strategy to cope with the Great Depression. For him, this capitalist development had taken away ideological prefiguration from architecture. At least Tafuri’s this early intellectual phase was formed in the wake of magazine Contrapiano and Antonio Negri’s influence. Tafuri almost entirely adapted Negri’s thought on the importance of capitalist innovation that was uncovered by Keynes, Schumpeter, and Manheim and the periodization in modern history. When we read Tafuri’s text with this concrete context, we can avoid being plunged into his abstruseness. On the other hand, 1980’s Korea cannot understand Tafuri comprehensibly. 1980’s situation to struggle to acquire democracy prescribed only one mode of reception of Tafuri’s historiography in Korea. Tafuri’s so-called pessimist view point could not satisfy student activists. They want to take intellectual means to sustain student movement and to secure political dynamics of protest. But at the same time they have anxiety to understand tafuri’s thesis that they consider ad a critical theory for Korean Architecture. Double contexts of Tafuri’s criticism of ideology bring to light to historicize both Tafuri’s historiography itself and reception of his text in Korea.