Oil and conflict are dangerously intertwined in the Pacific, where China has several disputes with its neighbors. The Senkaku (Diaoyu) islands in the Ryuku chain of the East China Sea which are reported to possess large oil reserves offshore are currently disputed by China and Japan. The Paracel (Xisha) islands of the South China Sea, also rich in oil reserves, have caused low intensity conflict between China and Vietnam. And once oil was discovered the Spratley islands, in the South China Sea north of Brunei, are disputed by five countries: Indonesia, Brunei, Philippines, Malaysia and China, whose large blue water navy and military installations are enforcing what it claims to be its exclusive sphere of influence. Meanwhile in the Straits of Malacca the Chinese navy has sent a flotilla to accompany the long column of oil tankers which carry most of the oil imports of East Asia. Oil has caused a veritable 'petro pirate plague' in the straits between Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia, threating East Asia's vital supply of crude oil. All of these new conflicts offshore raise questions of regional security in the Asia-Pacific region. Is the oil these islands are reported to possess worth an interstate war? China should instead work with its neighbors to make the East and South China seas safe for commerce.

These people were wrongfully arrested, imprisoned and (in some cases tortured) by armed police, military and security forces as a part of the 4.3 Incident, without legitimate justification and without proper hearings or trial. It is essential theme that they spend their time in jail without doing any crime during the Jeju 4.3 Grand Tragedy. It is our second theme that they have suffered pains, trauma and lamentations from the Tragedy, then and now. These 11 cases represent desperate situation of violations of human rights of Jeju people during the Jeju 4.3 Grand Tragedy as it were : Gyeong-in Kim, Pyeong-guk Kim, Dong-su Park, Won-hyu Boo, Chun-ok Park, Keun-bang Yang, Il-hwa Yang, Hui-chun Oh, Chang-yong Hyun, U-ryong Hyun, and Byeongtae Jo

The purpose of this article is to observe some particular characteristics of relationships between Jeju-islanders and government in the era of American Military Rule (1945-1948). More specially, I am concerned with understanding of some aspects of special relationships of conflicts between people and government in Jeju island. In order to examine some characteristics of Jeju islanders’ attitude against the American Military Government, I try to concentrate more on the contexts of policy of American Military Government, examination of contents of policy making at local government level, types of policy-implementation through qualitative content analysis of articles of THE JEJU SHINBO ( only one newspaper in Jeju-do of that period). In using survey method, I am also explaining about why Jeju islanders support dissident groups rather than American Military Government : phenomena of Jeju islanders’ anti-government political orientation. I can learn about some aspects of relationships between people and American Military Government through my research of content analysis on articles of newspaper (the period of analysis : January 1, 1947- April 20, 1948). In the concrete, I have some propositions about relationships between people and government. 1. I can find some experiences common to Jeju islanders’ discontents against policy implementation of American Military Government among painful events which occurred under bad administration. For example, American military government prohibited people from participatingin anniversary meeting of March 1st Independence Movement Day without reason. At day, it was terrific that innocent 6 people had died by pistol shooting of military police force in March of 1947. From my analysis I confirm that hard-liner policy of American military government developed into bad administration that had restructured to support bureaucracy- centered society rather peopleoriented one. 2. I can find that hard-liner policy forming and unreasonable policy implementation had made Jeju islanders’ political orientation worse from pro-attitudes toward American Military Rule to antigovernment mode. I think that it is meaningful task to the extent how to explain anti- government movement of Jeju islanders’ by means of some aspects of conflict relationships between people and government in the policy forming and implementation processes. I concluded that policy direction of American had supported for the framework of anti-communism politics and militaryoriented pattern of organization culture in Jeju island. I think that it is meaningful for me to explain failure and dilemma of policy making in the era of American government that oppressed a peaceful higher expectation of autonomy and desire of Jeju islanders’ toward good administration for democratic nation building.

It has been firmly concluded that there isn’t any new evidence to negate already proven facts about the Jeju 4.3 Massacre. The contentions made by the Rightist group are very subjective and self-centered and distorted interpretation. This book is written by the ultra-right winged, perpetrators of Jeju 4.3 Massacre. Their contention is completely, and without exception, distorted. They are trying to state that the Jeju 4.3 never took place and that no new inquiry investigation needs to ensue. Their contentions are totally false and without merit. Social Healing begins with the exchange of truth and justice. The perpetrators need to acknowledge the crimes committed and seek forgiveness. The victims can then accept the remorseful apologies and then begin the social healing through the justice process. These processes then ultimately lead to social healing through justice for all parties involved.