The aim of this paper is to show that raising and object shift of the verbal noun are determined by agentivity and stativity of the verbal noun. The functional head ν is related to the agentive role of the subject and the transitivity of the verb (cf. Jung 2003). In Chomsky`s (1995) conception, ν is the light verb to which V overtly raises. In this vein, following Ahn (2002) and Jung (2003), we suggest that ha occupies the functional head ν, which means that it is a realization of ν. We also claim that it is the [+agentive] feature rather than the [-stative] feature of the verbal noun and the so-called light verb ha `do` that induces 0s of the verbal noun with (l)ul in the ha-construction. We further show that the verbal noun on L (i.e.. here, neutral head) undergoes raising to ha on ν at S-structure (cf. Ahn 1991), which is due to the morpho-syntactic property of ha on ν (cf. Pesetsky 1989, Ahn 2002).

This paper develops an argument for the M-merger of Movement based on consideration of Holmberg`s Generalization[HG], well-documented constraint on object shift in the Scandinavian language. Assumed head-movement and phrasal movement are the same thing, Head undergoes movement to SPEC of XP in a same way as XP does. From the SPEC of XP, it is argued that head-merging operation called M-Merger happens. If Object is placed in the SPEC of XP, objects also undergo head-merging operation with verbs under rich morphological formations such as Icelandic full DP or Weak pronouns in mainland scandinavian. This operation assumed to be a morphological process showing a different pattern to that of syntax, which gives the reason why object shift shows the mixed nature in syntactic phenomena. It is argued also that the characterization of HG presented here can be explained in terms of M-Merger.

지진해일 또는 조석과 같은 파의 거동을 수치모의할 때 해안선의 위치는 파랑의 움직임에 따라 끊임없이 이동하게 된다. 따라서, 이를 수치모형에 효과적으로 반영하기 위해서는 수치모형의 경계선을 파랑의 움직임에 따라 이동시켜야 한다. 본 연구에서는 경사지형을 계단지형으로 단순화한 이동경계조건에 대해 해안선의 이동을 보다 정확히 모의하기 위하여 천수방정식의 비선형항을 2차 정확도의 풍상차분기법으로 차분화하여 해석하였다. 개발된 수치모형을 검증하기 위하여 바닥마

유한요소기법을 이용하여 유동해석의 수치모델을 행하였다 공간을 이산화 할 때에는 Galerkin법을 적용하였으며, 시간의 함수를 이산화 할 때에는 많은 수의 요소와 비정상상태의 문제를 다루는데 있어 장점을 가진 2단계 양해법을 이용하였다. 이동경계조건을 고려한 2차원유통모델을 개발하였고, 직사자형 수조에서 개발된 유동모델을 적용하여 검증하였고, 유용성을 확인하였다. 제주항에 개발된 이동경계기법을 적용하여 계산한 결과, 본 이동경계기법의 좋은 적용성을 보여주었다. 본 연구로부터 이동경계처리 방법이 실해역에서의 유동해석에 있어 유용하고 효율적인 방법이라고 결론지을 수 있다.

In this paper, I argue that the surface constructions for change of state of abstract concepts such as price, mental state, state of life, and possession, passage of time, exchange of idea, etc. are patterned like a motion by means of spatial metaphor; and that English is a co-event language type, so the spatial metaphor is often realized by particles such as `up` and `down` expressing Path in a motion event and by contrast, Korean is a Path language type, so the spatial metaphor is exclusively expressed by means of motion verbs. I also argue that fictive motion such as mental or visual motion results from the metaphorical, subjective conceptualization of the coextensive phenomena such as scenery, roads, etc.

Chomsky (2000) proposes that the operation Attract-F of Chomsky (1995) be replaced by the operation Agree, in which there is, in principle, no movement at all. In the Agree theory, agreement between a Probe P and its Goal G can lead to feature checking in situ. Lasnik (2002), however, argues that feature movement (or attract) is to be preferred to agreement at a distance, presenting three pieces of evidence: pseudo-gapping, sluicing, and remnant movement. The purpose of this article is to show that the agreement-at-a-distance theory of Chomsky (2000) can still be maintained if we adopt Pesetsky and Torrego`s (2001) conception of the EPP property as a "subfeature of a feature." Furthermore, if we assume Boeckx and Stjepanovic´`s (2001) claim that head movement is a PF phenomenon, the persuasiveness of Lasnik`s (2002) argument becomes even weaker. Following Chomsky`s (2001b) assumption that internal Merge can apply either before or after Spell-Out, I have demonstrated that even the remnant movement phenomenon, the most powerful piece of evidence for Lasnik`s (2002) argument, can naturally be accounted for with the feature checking in situ of the Agree theory.

To investigate air quality away from the coastal urban source region, we used a hybrid Eulerian-Lagrangian method which can describe the formation, transport, transformation and deposition processes in complex terrain. with inclusion of shipping sources that were considered to be important emission in the coastal urban region. The result of the Eulerian advection - diffusion prediction was quite similar to that of the Lagrangian particle diffusion prediction. It showed that pollutants emitted from piers can affect the part of inland, especially Dongrae and the coastal area. Those emitted from Sasang and Janglim industrial complexes can affect Hwamyeong and the coastal, respectively. During the daytime the concentration was low due to large deposition flux and terrain effect.

Youngjun Jang. 2001. Complementizers and Complementation in English and Korean: Successive Cyclic WH-Movement. Studies in Modern Grammar 25, 1-28. This paper investigates complementizers and complementation in English and Korean. I argue that a sentence is ultimately a projection of C because the clausal types must be present for interpretation and that the clausal typing feature in C must be checked off. It is shown that the superficial difference between English-type languages and Korean-type languages with regard to wh-movement is due to different modes of checking off the clausal typing feature in C. Some theoretical consequences of this proposal are that successive cyclic wh-movement can be naturally accounted for in a derivational approach to syntax and that the strength of C is always strong both in English and Korean-type languages.

Jaecheol Lee. 2001. Antecedent Contained Deletion and LF Pied Piping. Studies in Modern Grammar 24, 67-90. In this paper, we prove that LF pied-piping is required for the resolution of Antecedent Contained Deletion(ACD), and that the theory-internal motives for the LF pied-piping results from economy considerations; LF convergence and the Last Resort. ACD resolution requires LF pied piping of an entire phrase out of categories that contain it. We argue that the LF pied-piping movements by Quantifier Raising and Rightward movement are triggered for the purpose of resolving the infinite regress problem in ACD configuration. Both movements are necessary to satisfy Full Interpretation at LF. We propose that QR is driven by a QU-feature, which triggers LF pied-piping of a quantificational expression in ACD configuration. The checking of QU-feature arises because the interpretively redundant QU-features on QP and its target are not allowed at the interface, which result in the violation of the principle of full interpretation. Rightward movement is driven by the Last Resort, chosen only when QR cannot occur in ACD construction.

Hyon Sook Choe. 2001. Focus-sensitivity of Sentence Negation and a Movement Approach. Studies In Modern Grammar 23, 33-74. In this paper, I discuss the nature of the focus-sensitivity of sentence negation under a movement approach In Choe (2000), which adopts the following two assumptions: (1) negation is adverbial, negatively modifying either a focus or a quantifier phrase; (2) it moves for checking reasons. While a examining the counter-evidence against a movement approach discussed in the literature, which has been discussed in relation to two problems (the "constituency" problem and the "subjacency" problem), I show that the counter-evidence is apparent and that it in fact constitutes evidence in favor of the movement approach adopted here. During the discussion, I suggest that the notion of negating be understood in terms of the notions of feature negating and syntactic negating; and I show that the present suggestion makes it possible to understand both the nature of the focus-sensitivity of negation and he syntax and the semantics of negation in relation to various kinds of foci and in relation to a quantifier phrase.