본 연구는 동남아시아에서 흔하게 발견되는 ‘나가 위의 붓다(Buddha on Nāga)’ 도상이 서사부조에서 아이콘으로 확립되는 과정을 살펴본 것이다. 나가 위의 붓다 도상은 붓다가 똬 리를 튼 뱀의 몸통 위에 앉은 채로 머리 뒤로는 뱀의 머리 7개를 광배처럼 갖고 있는 모습을 지칭한다. 이 도상은 붓다가 보드가야에서의 성도 후 선정에 들었을 때 거센 폭풍우가 몰아 치자 무찰린다(Muchalinda)라는 이름의 나가, 즉 뱀이 나타나 붓다의 몸을 자신의 몸으로 감싸고 붓다의 머리 위로 자신의 머리를 펼쳐 보호하였다는 불전고사에서 유래하였다. 나가 위의 붓다는 2~3세기 무렵 남인도에서 부조로 먼저 만들어졌다. 남인도에서 만들 어진 나가 위의 붓다 부조에서 가장 중요한 것은 문헌의 묘사와 달리 뱀이 붓다의 몸을 감고 있는 모습이 아니라 붓다가 뱀의 몸통 위에 앉은 것으로 만들어진 점이다. 이는 조각을 만드 는 데 있어 붓다라는 존재를 명시적으로 드러낼 수 있으며 불교도들에게 시각적으로 더 자연스럽게 여겨질 수 있는 방식을 택했기 때문이다. 나가 위의 붓다 도상은 7세기 보드가야에서 독립상으로도 만들어졌으며 전체적인 도상은 앞서 본 남인도 부조들과 동일하다. 일찍이 많은 불전고사들이 부조로 만들어졌지만 그 중에서도 이 도상이 독립상으로 만들어질 수 있었던 이유는 보드가야가 7세기에 이르러 성지로서 높은 명성과 인기를 얻었기 때문이다. 이로 인해 순례자들을 위한 더 많은 기념물이 만들어지게 되었고, 이곳에서 일어난 가장 중요한 사건인 성도와 더불어 나가 무찰린다 고사 역시 보드가야에서 일어난 주요 사건 중 하나로 주목을 받아 독립상으로 만들어질 수 있었다. 특히 나가 위의 붓다 도상은 인도에서 먼저 만들어졌지만 인도보다는 이웃 동남아에서 더 욱 큰 인기를 얻고 붓다의 대표적인 도상으로 자리 잡았다. 7~8세기 무렵의 드바라바티 미 술에서도 다양한 나가 위의 붓다 부조가 발견되며, 특히 10세기 이후 크메르 미술에서는 뱀의 모습이 일관된 형태로 고정되고 장엄도 더욱 정교해지기에 이른다. 이는 토지와 물을 관장하는 신인 뱀에 대한 오랜 신앙이 동남아에 있었기 때문이다. 즉 수호신인 뱀에 대한 토착 신앙이 불교와 습합되면서 붓다를 보호하는 뱀의 이야기가 동남아에서 특히 인기를 얻게 되어 나가 위의 붓다가 붓다를 나타내는 지배적인 도상으로 자리매김한 것이다.

This study aims to identify the differences between Korean and Chinese and males and females in terms of female image preferences. The survey was conducted for 1 month targeting male and female Korean and Chinese subjects. Among the 350 completed questionnaires, 309 were used for analysis. For the analysis, 11 female images were chosen based on theoretical study, then a t-test and a paired t-test were carried out using SPSS 19.0. The results of this study are as follows: First, differences in female image preferences were observed to depend on nationality and gender. Koreans prefer urban images while Chinese prefer cute, intelligent, and sexy images. Second, males prefer innocent or sexy images, while females prefer sophisticated images. Third, Korean males prefer innocent, active, sophisticated, gentle, cute, sexy, urban, natural, intelligent, spectacular, and neutral images in order. Chinese males prefer gentle, innocent, sexy, active, sophisticated, intelligent, cute, natural, urban, spectacular, and neutral images in order. Fourth, Korean females prefer sophisticated, gentle, urban, natural, intelligent, innocent, active, sexy, cute, spectacular, and neutral images in order. Chines females prefer sophisticated, intelligent, cute, gentle, innocent, active, natural, sexy, urban, spectacular, and neutral images in order. Using these results, it will be possible to design marketing strategies for global consumers.

국내 초등 교실환경에서의 한자교육은 대부분 좌뇌기능 중심의 교수법으로 진행되고 있다. 그러나 초등학습자의 뇌발단 단계와 한자의 뇌기능적 특성을 고려해 볼 때, 한자교육은 우뇌 기능의 활성화를 유도하는 교수방안을 선택해야 한다. 본 연구는 초등학습자들에게 뇌친화적 한자수업의 필요성을 제기할 목적으로, 그 방안의 하나로써 ‘이미지텔링 연상법’을 통해 한자 인식의 효율성을 검증하고자 하였다. 이에 국내 초등학생 38명을 대상으로 뇌친화적 한자수 업을 제공한 결과, 기존방식대로 한자수업을 받은 집단보다 ‘이미지텔링 연상법’이란 뇌친화적 수업을 적용한 집단의 학습자가 한자의 장기기억화에 더 효과적인 것을 확인하였다. 또한 통계적으로는 약 3배 가까운 학업성취도를 보이는 것으로 나타났다. 본 연구가 향후 뇌친화 적 교수방안에 대한 관심을 유도하는 계기가 되길 기대해 본다.

목 적：MRCP검사시 CS SPACE breath-hold기법을 사용하여 조영전과 Gd-EOB- DTPA 사용후 영상을 시간대별로 획 득하여 영상의 변화를 통해 담즙의 변화를 알아보고, 이를 바탕으로 3D T2강조 자기공명 담췌관 조영영상의 적절한 획득시기를 알아보고자 하였다. 대상 및 방법：2017년 11월부터 2018년 1월까지 본원에 내원하여 Gd-EOB-DTPA를 사용하여 MRCP검사를 시행한 42 명을 대상으로 하였고 장비는 SIEMENS사의 Magnetom Skyra 3.0T를 사용하였다. Compressed Sensing SPACE breath-hold 기법으로 조영전과 Gd-EOB-DTPA를 사용한 역동적 조영검사 후 delay 4m, 6m, 8m 때의 3D T2강조 자기공명 담췌관 조영영상을 MIP기법을 사용하여 영상을 재구성한 뒤, RHD, LHD, CBD의 SNR과 CNR을 측정하였고, 정성적 평가는 조영전과 Gd-EOB-DTPA사용후 delay 4m, 6m, 8m때의 RHD, LHD, CBD를 복부전문 영상의학과 전문의 1명과 10년 이상 경력의 MRI전문 방사선사 1명이 5점 척도로 평가하였다. 결 과：조영전 RHD, LHD, CBD의 평균 SNR은 33.07, 32.18, 38.43 였고, Gd-EOB-DTPA사용후 delay 4m때의 평균 SNR은 38.1, 36.33, 43.16, delay 6m때는 37.79, 37.67, 44.46, delay 8m때는 30.24, 35.29, 41.45였다. CNR은 조영전이 평균 22.27, 21.36, 27.59, Gd-EOB-DTPA사용후 delay 4m때는 27.1, 25.32, 32.12, delay 6m때는 26.81, 26.71, 33.41, delay 8m때는 19.14, 24.21, 30.28 였다. delay 8m때의 RHD의 SNR과 CNR만 조영전과 비교해서 통계 적으로 유의하지 않았으며(p>0.05) 나머지는 통계적으로 유의했다(p<0.05). SNR과 CNR이 조영전부터 delay 8m때까지 순차적으로 계속 증가하는 경우는 전체의 47.6%였고, 조영전보다 delay 6m때의 SNR과 CNR이 더 높지만 delay 8m때 감소하는 경우가 전체의 40.5%, 조영전보다 delay 4m때의 SNR과 CNR이 더 높지만 delay 6m, 8m때 감소하는 경우는 전체의 11.9%였다. 정성적 평가는 조영전 RHD, LHD, CBD의 평균점수가 4.48, 4.55, 4.93였고, Gd-EOB-DTPA사용 후 delay 4m때는 4.48, 4.55, 4.86, delay 6m때는 4.12, 4.5, 4.88, delay 8m때는 3.55, 4.1, 4.64 였다. 조영전과 delay 4m은 통계적으로 유의한 차이가 없었고(p<0.05), 조영전과 delay 6m은 RHD만, 조영전과 delay 8m은 RHD, LHD 가 통계적으로 유의한 차이가 있었다(p>0.05). 결 론：조영전과 Gd-EOB-DTPA사용후 delay 4m때의 영상의 진단적 차이가 없었으며, delay 4m때가 SNR과 CNR이 더 높았기 때문에 delay 4m때 breath-hold 3D T2강조 자기공명 담췌관 조영영상을 얻는것이 검사시간도 단축하고 더 좋은 영상을 얻을 수 있을겄으로 생각되며, 담췌관에 질병이 의심되는 환자에서 respiratory-triggered 3D T2강조 자기공 명 담췌관 조영영상은 역동적 조영검사 후에 바로 시행하여 delay 6m전에 검사를 획득한다면 담도배설이 시작되기 전에 영상을 획득하거나 담도배설이 어느정도 시작되었어도 높은 신호때부터 영상이 얻어졌기 때문에 조영전과 영상의 차이가 없고 시간을 많이 단축하는 방법이 될거라 생각된다.

목 적：일반적으로 DWI 검사의 Echo Planner Image(EPI)기법은 공기, 지방, 물 등 자화율 차이가 큰 물질에서 종종 왜곡 된 영상이 발생되는 특성이 있다. 또한 B0 field 영역의 불균일에 따라 발생 되어지는 왜곡현상도 1.5T보다 3.0T에서 더 크다. 이러한 문제점을 해결하고 보완하기 위하여 본 연구에서는 정상인을 대상으로 3D shim Whole body DWI와 SIEMENS의 Integrated-shim (i-shim) Whole body DWI의 영상품질을 비교 평가해 보았다. 대상 및 방법：본 연구는 2017년 12월부터 2018년 1월까지 정상인 10명(평균 나이 28.7±3.62세, 체질량지수 26.3±2.74)을 대상으로 하였다. 연구에 사용된 장비는 3.0T MRI 장비(Skyra 3.0T Elfs, SIEMENS, Germany)를 사용 하였으며, 20 채널 head&neck coil, 30 채널 body coil 2개, 18채널 spine coil을 사용하였다. 방법으로는 3D shim WB DWI와 i–shim WB DWI을 연속적으로 검사하였다. step당 TR/TE = 8500/ 56 msec, FOV450x450, matrix 134/134, NEX(b-value 0 =3NEX, 900= 4NEX), 50slice, Slice Thickness 5mm로 하였다. 영상획득시간은 pre scan을 포함하여 step당 3D shim DWI = 183sec, i-shim DWI = 227sec였다. 평가 방법으로는 재구성 된 영상(b-value=900)의 시상 면 영상을 가지고 정성적 분석과 Image J의 Plot profile기능을 활용한 정량적 분석을 하였다. 결 과：시상면 영상에서 척추와 뇌척수(spinal cord) 주변부의 신호소실, 틀어짐, 영상 품질, 3가지 항목을 정성적으로 평가 한 결과 i-shim DWI가 3D shim DWI보다 신호소실 평가에서 0.87점(17.4%)더 높게 받았으며, 틀어짐에서 1.1점(22%), 전체적 영상 품질에서 1.1점(22%) 높았다. 결과적으로 i-shim DWI가 3D shim DWI보다 높은 점수를 보였으며, Total image quality를 5점 척도로 평가한 결과 i-shim DWI가 1.3점(26%)이상으로 더 좋은 점수를 받았다. 정성적 평가에서 영상의 품질이 가장 좋지 않았던 목 부위를 정량적으로 분석해 본 결과, 3D shim WB DWI의 Area signal Plot profile 은 242.74(6.67)이었고, i-shim WB DWI의 Area signal Plot profile은 250.21(5.65)로 i-shim WB DWI에서 목 부위 Area 신호 면적이 더 넓어 신호소실이 더 적은 것으로 확인됬다. 또한 영상의 background 값을 normalize하여 signal intensity를 비교한 결과 3D shim DWI이 455.80(299.81), i-shim DWI이 718.80(376.40)으로 약 1.57배 더 신호강도 가 좋았다. 결 론：i-shim DWI은 기존의 3D shim DWI보다 자화율과 두께 차이가 심한 목 부분에서 자화 불균일에 의한 인공물을 효과적으로 교정할 수 있었으며, 결과적으로 B0 fileld 불균일에 따라 발생되어지는 인공물을 줄이는데 탁월한 것으로 확인됬 다. 또한 step이 인접한 각 table의 위치에서 왜곡에 따른 신호소실을 줄이고 움직임에 대한 보상이 탁월한 것으로 판단되었다.

The study aims to investigate the effects of media and self-image congruity of ideal body image on the dieting and exercising behaviors of Korean and U.S. female college students. This study focuses on the concept of self-image congruity in order to examine how respondents perceive actual and desired self-images compared to an ideal female body image selected by respondents. A self-administered survey was conducted, resulting in 331 total responses (194 from Korean students and 137 from U.S. students). The data were analyzed through descriptive analysis, t-test, exploratory factor analysis, and regression analysis using SPSS 23.0. The findings revealed significant differences between Korean and U.S. female college students. U.S. students were more exposed to body image ideals in the media than Korean students; however, Korean female students valued the information regarding ideal body image conveyed by the media more than U.S. respondents. Among Korean female students, exposure to media messages regarding ideal body image and media importance had significant effects on desired self-image congruity, while these factors were not significant among U.S. students. However, there was a negative effect of media exposure on actual self-image congruity among U.S. respondents only. Additionally, the study uncovered that Korean students manage their body image through dieting behaviors while U.S. respondents manage body image through exercise behaviors (weight training as well as cardiovascular exercise). The study provides further support for self-image congruity, which extends its applications to the body image field.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the characteristics and symbolism of peony, the traditional noble flower, create knit fashion designer applying the aesthetic beauty of flower, and suggest the various possibility of developing knit fashion design. As for the study method, the study conducted review on literature and previous studies to investigate on history, characteristics, symbolism of peony, and examined various expressive technique through previous studies about fashion design using flower images. To express characteristics of peony in three dimensions, the study investigated and reflected on crochet expressive technique to design 4 women’s knitwear. The results are as below. First, as shape of peony is big, voluminous, fancy and noble, it symbolizes wealth and beauty. Including red which is the generally known color of peony, there are yellow, white, pink, purple, green, blue, black, gray, white purple, white color. This study reflected characteristics and symbolism of peony and created knit fashion design applying abundant aesthetic characteristics of flower. Second, crochet method is advantageous as it is operable with thread and hooked crochet hook without time and space restriction, it can create unique fashion design. Crochet knitting on hand knit can diversity changes to express relief textures, and as there is no limit in size, it can be applied to small props to big pieces. This study suggested the various possibility of knit fashion design development and various expressive possibility on modern fashion design.

본 논문에서 온라인 쇼핑몰에 적용을 목적으로 2차원 이미지에 기반한 가상 의상 착용 알고리즘을 설계하고 개발하였다. 기존의 가상착용 시스템은 3차원 의상 및 사용자 정보에 기반하여 비용과 시간이 많이 들어가는 문제를 가지고 있다. 본 시스템은 최근 급격히 발전된 딥러닝기술과 컴퓨터 그래픽스 기술을 활용한다. 우선, 패션영상을 시멘틱 분할 네트워크를 사용하여 옷과 신체를 영상분할하고, 자세 네트워크를 사용하여 의상과 사용자의 골격정보를 확보한다. 이 두 가지 정보를 바탕으로 의상의 골격위치와 사용자의 골격위치를 일치시킴으로서 변형에 필요한 변수를 확보하고 이를 바탕으로 영상 변형을 하여 가상착용을 수행한다. 실험결과 단순한 기하형태의 옷과 선 자세를 유지하는 패션사진과 사용자사진의 경우 만족스러운 변형 결과를 얻을 수 있었으나 다양한 의상의 형태나 자세를 갖는 경우 원만한 착용결과를 얻을 수 없었다. 완벽한 시스템은 존재할 수 없으므로 현재 기술로 적용 가능한 의상의 범위와 문제 상황을 자세히 분석하여. 이를 바탕으로 추후 연구를 방향을 설정할 수 있도록 하였다.

본 연구는 대학의 경쟁력을 확보하는데 필요한 마케팅 방안을 모색하고자 대학교육서비스의 일환인 대학스포츠센터의 서비스품질과 학생만족, 대학이미지를 연구하는데 그 목적이 있다. 이를 위해 서울 수도권지역의 3개 대학의 스포츠센터를 대상으로 편의추출법을 사용하였다. 설문지 총 350부 중 24부의 설문지를 제외하고 최종 326부의 자료로 분석하였다. SPSS 21.0프로그램을 사용하여 빈도분석, 탐색적 요인분석, 상관관계 및 다중회귀분석을 실시하였다. 그 결과 첫째, 대학스포츠센터의 서비스품질의 지리적, 인적, 편의성 요인이 학생만족에 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 대학스포츠센터의 서비스품질의 시설적, 편의성 요인이 대학이미지에 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 셋째, 대학스포츠센터의 서비스품질의 학생만족이 대학이미지에 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다.

3D 가상현실은 이미 여러 스포츠 분야에서 사용되고 있으며 특히 엘리트운동 선수들의 훈련 등에 적극 활용되고 있다. 주로 심상훈련 효용성을 극대화하기 위해 활용되고 있으며, 이에 따라 3D 가상현실 기술을 기반으로 심상훈련의 가능성, 유용성, 적합성이 여러 연구를 통해 입증되었다. 그러나 최근에는 가상현실에서의 운동이 더 이상 엘리트 운동선수들의 훈련에만 활용되는 것이 아니라 사회체육 등에 활발히 활용되는 추세에 있다. 3D 가상현실에서의 운동의 장점은 안정성이 높으며 외부환경에 대한 제한이 적다는 것이다. 이러한 장점을 고려할 때 이는 노인체육에 잘 활용될 수 있을 것이다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 노인을 위한 가상현실 기반 심상훈련의 활성화를 위해 국내·외 가상현실 관련 연구들이 어떠한 방법으로 연구되었으며 어떤 결과를 도출하였는지 면밀히 고찰하였다. 더불어 본 연구에서는 이러한 선행연구의 결과를 종합하여 추후 가상현실 연구의 활성화를 위한 방향과 후속 연구 과제를 위해 3D 가상현실 심상훈련의 간학문적 접근, 노인의 특성 및 지원요구를 고려한 지원, 습득된 기술의 일반화 및 유지 방안을 고려한 접근 필요성에 대해 제언을 제시하였다.

본 연구는 체육전공 남녀 신입생들을 대상으로 체질량지수(Body mass index; BMI), 신체이미지, 식사태도 및 신체활동량의 차이와 상관관계를 규명하는데 있다. 남녀 체육전공 신입생 595명(남녀: 341 vs. 254)이 본 연구에 참여하였고, 대상자들은 신체이미지(Body sahpe questionnaire; BSQ), 식사태도(Eating attitude test-26; EAT-26), 및 신체활동(International physical activity questionnaires; IPAQ)에 대한 설문지를 작성하였다. 체질량지수에 따라 분류하였을 때 정상체중은 67.2%로 나타났으며, 저체중은 5.4%, 과체중과 비만이 17.8%, 9.6%로 나타났다. 남학생들의 57.7%와 여학생들의 78.7%는 정상체중으로 분류되었다. BSQ 검사 결과 총 대상자 중 불만족의 비율은 48.2%로 나타났으며, 남학생 22.9%와 여학생 82.3%가 불만족으로 나타났다. EAT-26 검사 결과 전체 20.2%가 비정상적인 식사태도를 가지고 있었으며, 남학생과 여학생의 비율은 7.3% vs. 37.4%로 나타났다. 신체활동량 조사 결과 99%의 대상자들이 활동적으로 조사되었다. BMI, BSQ, EAT-26, 그리고 신체활동량은 남녀 간에 통계적으로 유의한 차이를 보였다. 신체이미지와 식사태도는 남녀 대상자 모두에서 유의한 상관관계를 보였으며, 체질량지수는 남자 대상자들에서만 신체이미지와 식사태도와 유의한 상관관계가 있었다. 그러나 신체활동량은 남녀 모두에서 다른 변인들과 상관관계가 없었다. 결론적으로 체육전공 대학생들의 신체불만족과 비정상적인 식사태도의 비율이 높으며, 신체이미지의 불만족이 높을수록 비정상적인 식사태도를 가지고 있는 것으로 조사되었다. 따라서 이에 적합한 교육과 사회적 인식의 전환이 필요할 것으로 사료된다.

『더블린 사람들』에서 제임스 조이스는 아일랜드 가톨릭교 신부들을 이득을 위해 자신들의 영혼을 팔아 아일랜드 국민들을 배반한 유다와 같은 존재로 묘사한다. 작품의 각 중단편의 에피소드를 통해 조이스는 가톨릭교회에 대해 부정적인 시선을 던진다. 그는 아일랜드 가톨릭교회가 맹목적인 순종과 그 권력에 절대 복종하도록 강요한다고 생각했다. 그렇지만 작품에 묘사되고 있는 신부들의 모습은 대체로 무능하며 성직자로서의 역할도 제대로 하지 못한다. 이런 이유로 그는 거짓된 권위와 물질주의에 집착하는 가톨릭교를 거부하게 된다. 그럼에도 불구하고 가톨릭교회를 바라보는 그의 마음은 복잡한데, 그것은 그가 가톨릭교회를 거부하긴 했지만 그 제도나 형식을 거부하지는 않았다. 실제로 그는 예수회재단 가톨릭교회의 제도나 교리 등을 작품창작에 적극 활용했다. 그러나 그는 근본적으로는 가톨릭교회나 신부들이 과거의 잘못에서 벗어나 변화되고 새롭게 태어나야 한다고 주장한다.

본 연구는 소방무인기 운용지침(안)을 제안하고자 비행환경 계측과 영상분석을 실시하였다. 데이터 수집을 위 해 계측용 소방무인기를 이용한 재난 및 사고현장의 고도별 온도, 고도별 풍속 측정 및 데이터 분석을 통한 비행영향 요소, 비행임무조건, 비행한계 등을 도출하였다. 특히 무인항공기의 운용에 있어 장애요인을 분석하고 실질적인 운용 계획을 수립하고자 산악실험, 해안실험, 고도별 가시도 실험 등 다양한 실험을 실시하였으며, 사고현장 비행계획을 위한 재난 현장 비행사례 영상을 분석하였다.

다국적 기업의 현지 사회적 책임 활동(CSR, corporate social responsibility)은 현지의 다양한 이해관계자 에게 정당성을 확보하는 방안 중 하나로써, 최근 그 중요성이 부각되고 있다. 이에 본 연구는 해외 기업의 현지 사회적 책임 활동이 현지 지원자의 구직 의도에 미치는 영향에 관해 실증적으로 분석하고자 한다. 더 나아가 국 가이미지(country of origin image)에 따라 사회적 책임 활동의 영향이 달라질 수 있음을 살펴보고자 한다. 국내 대학생을 대상으로 실시한 설문조사를 바탕으로 실증분석을 진행한 결과, 국내 구직자에게 있어 다국적 기업 해외자회사의 국내 사회적 책임 활동은 구직의도에 긍정적인 영향을 미치며, 중국기업의 경우 이러한 사회적 책임 활동의 긍정적인 영향이 더 커지는 것으로 나타났다. 이에 본 연구는 국가 이미지가 상대적으로 호의적이지 않은 신흥국 기반의 다국적 기업들의 현지 진출 시, 현지의 사회적 책임 활동이 현지 구직자의 지원의도를 높일 수 있는 중요한 기업전략임을 확인함으로써, 학문적 및 실무적 관점에서 의미 있는 시사점을 제공할 수 있을 것 으로 기대된다.

Thanks to their competitive price, store brands have important opportunities in emerging countries where customers have greater experience with modern retail products. However, less research has been devoted to the effect of store brand price while it is well known that price image is a critical factor that drives purchase behavior. The aim of this research is to understand how store brand price image factors (relative price, perceived benefit and perceived value) and perceived risk dimensions (functional and financial) affect attitude toward store brands in Colombia. Store brand relative price, store brand perceived benefit and store brand perceived value affect significantly attitude toward store brands in the Colombian context. However, neither store brand perceived functional risk, not store brand perceived financial risk affect attitude toward store brands. These results highlight the specificity of Colombia among emerging countries and have both theoretical and managerial implications.

Continuing the research stream of Gwinner and Eaton (1999) and Kwon, Ratneshwar et al. (2016), this study proposes a 3x2x2 mixed model experiment to extend the investigation of sport sponsorship‟s influence on the image of the sponsoring brand by perceived brand localness. It is assumed that a brand‟s country of origin presents an integral part of its image. Perceived brand localness either ease or hamper the assessment of image congruence with the sponsored entity via the brand‟s country of origin. As a result, the influence is supposed to be larger for brands local in the sponsored team‟s home country, and lower for brands non-local. A further distinction is drawn for nonlocal brands regarding their belonging to either a western or eastern cultural sphere. The influence is supposed to be less low for brands in the same sphere and additionally low for brands in different spheres. Furthermore, the study replicates Kwon, Ratneshwar et al. (2016)‟s finding that the increase in image congruence is moderated by functional similarity in a cross-country setting. The experiment is conducted in Germany, the UK, China, and Japan with a corporate brand‟s shirt sponsoring of a soccer team as stimulus.

Introduction Understanding political brands is a pertinent concern for the British Crown Dependency of Guernsey. Guernsey is a Channel Island, part of the British Isles yet not a member of the European Union. In addition, Guernsey currently has a nonpolitical party system and all thirty-eight Members of Parliament [otherwise known as Deputies] are independent figures. Further, deputies stand as individuals, and members often form informal alliances repeatedly referred to as collections of constantly changing coalitions of support or ‘quasi-political parties’ Guernsey is set to hold an island-wide referendum by March 2018 on the island’s electoral process, moving from seven constituencies to one island-wide constituency. The Guernsey Government believe the 2018 referendum will impact the way Members of Parliament are elected and envisage the creation and introduction of ‘political parties’, or formal alliances in anticipation for the 2020 General Election. The creation and introduction of political parties [political brands] on Guernsey would be unprecedented to the current-historic political environment of a non-party system structured by independent, individual politicians. Further, it is unknown whether the creation and introduction of political ‘party’ brands would have the same appeal, benefits and success compared with independent ‘individual’ political brands. This presents a unique opportunity for the proposed piece of research, which will have an impact as to whether political parties [political party brands] are desired by Guernsey’s elected representatives and Guernsey citizens-voters, and if so, how will new political parties be created and conceptualised. However, in order to address this we need to frame the study within the sub-discipline of political branding. The application of commercial branding theory to politics is nothing new (O’Cass and Voola 2011; O’Shaughnessy and Baines 2009; Rutter et al. 2015). There is a shared understanding that political parties, pressure groups, politicians, candidates and campaigns can be conceptualised as ‘brands’ (Guzman and Sierra 2009; Needham and Smith 2015; Peng and Hackley 2009; Pich et al. 2016; Scammell 2015; Smith 2009). Further, the sub-discipline of political branding has become a ‘critical’ and ‘priority’ issue that warrants continued attention (Speed et al. 2015). The application of branding to politics has been described as the most appropriate way to understand the political ‘product’ and a mechanism to frame the deconstruction process to understand the political promise put forward by political actors (Scammell 2015). Political brands are complex, multi-layered entities which are often difficult to unbundle (Lees-Marshment 2009; Lock and Harris 1996; Phipps et al. 2010). Further, political brands are powerful tools used as a short-cut mechanism to deconstruct the rational and irrational elements of the political offering (Scammell 2015). This is reinforced with continued calls for future research to focus on generating deeper insight into how political brands are developed and understood particularly in new settings and contexts (Needham and Smith 2015; Nielsen 2016; Ormrod and Henneberg 2011; Pich and Dean 2015; Scammell 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Subsequently, the objectives of this study are to: - Investigate how current non-party political brands create, develop and communicate their brand identity from the perspective of elected representatives - Explore how current non-party political brand image is understood from the perspective of Guernsey voters - Ascertain whether elected representatives and Guernsey voters desire political ‘party’ brands for the 2020 General Election. Theoretical Background Political brands can be considered a trinity of elements including the party, leader and policy (Butler et al. 2011; Davies and Mian 2010; Pich and Dean 2015; Speed et al. 2015). The trinity of elements need to ensure clear identification and differentiation from political competitors (Ahmed et al. 2015; Nielsen 2016; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Smith 2008). In addition, effective political brands should be strong, appealing, trustworthy, offer resonance, act as a decision making driver which in turn will support strategy development and build awareness in the mind of voters-citizens (Ahmed et al. 2015; Baines and Harris 2011; O’Cass and Voola 2011). However, the existing literature has tended to focus on ‘party’ political systems and overlooked political brands from non-party political systems where all candidates and politicians are independent candidates and representatives. Nevertheless, what about other typologies of political brands like in non-party systems? In addition, the existing body of knowledge has not explained how political brands exist or develop without the ‘party’ element from the trinity. This proposition is supported the demand for more depth and understanding on political brands especially non-party ‘individual’ political brands [elected representatives] (French and Smith 2010; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Peng and Hackley 2009; Scammell 2015). Despite the calls for more research in this area, there are a few studies that have investigated ‘individual’ political brands. More specifically, studies have focused on politicians or candidates from political ‘parties’ in terms of brand personality, equity, identity or image and often compared ‘corporate’ and ‘individual’ political brands (Cwalina and Falkowski 2014; De Landtsheer and De Vries 2015; Milewicz and Milewicz 2014; Smith and Spotswood 2013; Speed et al. 2015). For example, Smith and Spotswood (2013) comparatively considered the brand equity of the UK Liberal Democrat Party from a corporate and individual-local perspective. Smith and Spotwood (2013) highlighted that successful political brands whether corporate or local-individual) communicated clear expectations, focused values, believable promises to constituents, which is often easier at a local rather than national level. Further, Smith and Spotwood (2013) argued that successful corporate political brands would depend on consistency between corporate and local-individual political brands. However, the work by Smith and Spotswood (2013) was developed from speeches, articles and other discourse rather than from the personal perspective of internal stakeholders. Therefore, more depth and understanding from a multi-stakeholder perspective would reveal greater insight into the individual-local political brand particularly in non-party contexts. Existing political branding research primarily adopts either an internal (Busby and Cronshaw 2015; Cwalina and Falkowski 2014; de Landtsheer and Vries 2015; Milewicz and Milewicz 2014; Smith and Spotswood 2013) or external perspective to frame studies (French and Smith 2010; Peng and Hackley 2009; Phipps et al. 2010). More specifically, research devoted to an internal ‘brand identity’ perspective directs its attention to the political party, candidate or politician. Brand identity can be conceptualised as the current intended projection formulated and communicated by the brand’s creator with the aim of attempting to establish a desired identity in the mind of the consumer (de Chernatony 2007; Kapferer 2008). Further, brand identity can be seen as a useful approach to generate a deep understanding from an internal standpoint and capture the ‘central ideas of a brand and how the brand communicates these ideas to stakeholders’ (de Chernatony 2007:45; Ross and Harradine 2011; Saaksjarvi and Samiee 2011). In contrast, research focusing on an external ‘brand image’ perspective considers the political offering from a citizen-voter orientation (Needham and Smith 20015; Nielsen 2016; O’Cass 2001). Brand image can be considered as the current-immediate associations perceived and formulated in the mind of the consumer, which is often out of control of the brand’s creator (Nandan 2005; Rekom et al. 2006). In addition, brand image is externally created, and manifested through unique associations and perceptions, experiences and expectations linked to physical and intangible elements of a brand (Bosch et al. 2006a; Nandan 2005). Therefore, future research should attempt to capture insight into how political brands develop and communicate identity and how political brands are understood from an internal [revealed by the politician] and external perspective [revealed by the voter] (Baines et al. 2014; Needham and Smith 2015; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Pich and Dean 2015). However, how can we actually comprehend current political brand identity and political brand image? One study that explored an ‘internal-relational orientation’ of several individual political brands was the work by Pich and Dean (2015). Pich and Dean (2015) explored the internal brand identity of UK Conservative Party politicians prior the 2010 UK General Election with the support of Kapferer’s brand identity prism (Kapferer 2008). Further, the work by Pich and Dean (2015) not only revealed the complex related yet distinct nature of individual political brands and their relationship with their ‘corporate Conservative Party’ political brand but also demonstrated the problematic nature of applying the brand identity prism in its original form to deconstruct the internal orientation of a political brand. Pich and Dean (2015) concluded with a revised framework known as the ‘political brand identity network’ and challenged future studies to consider this as a workable tool to understand individual political brands from an internal-relational perspective. However, Pich and Dean (2015) concluded that the ‘political brand identity network’ could also support the understanding of external brand image. Therefore, could the ‘political brand identity network’ aid the exploration of internal political brand identity and external political brand image of non-party political brands? Responding to this gap in the body of knowledge, this research will explore the internal brand identity of an ‘individual’ political brand from the perspective of elected representatives and investigate the external brand image of non-party political brand from the perspective of Guernsey voters. In addition, this study will assess the operationalisation of the ‘political brand identity network’ put forward by Pich and Dean (2015). Further, responding to the challenge from Pich and Dean (2015), this study will assess the usability of the political brand identity network to understand non-party political brand identity and political brand image. This will address the limited development of ‘appropriate models’ and frameworks that can be used to assist political entities in understanding their offering and support strategy development (Nielsen 2015; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Ormrod 2011; Scammell 2015). Confusion and advancement can be addressed by building on existing research by assessing existing models and frameworks in comparison with new settings and contexts (Nielsen 2016; O’Cass 2001; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Ormrod and Henneberg 2011; Scammell 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Research Design As this study aims to explore non-party political brands from a multi-stakeholder perspective, a qualitative interpretivist approach is adopted (Creswell 2007; Welch et al. 2011). This is consistent with the calls across the political branding discipline for more exploratory empirical research (French and Smith 2010; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Peng and Hackley 2009; Scammell 2015). This study will involve two stages. Stage one involves twenty-one semi-structured interviews with current elected Deputies. Deputies from across the eight districts of Guernsey namely; Vale, Vale-West, St Sampson, St Peter Port-North, St Peter Port-South, South East, West and Castel (www.gov.gg) have been selected. Interviews will last between 60-90 minutes and will be conducted by the researchers from March 2018-May 2018. Stage two involves twelve focus group discussions with Guernsey citizens-voters. Focus group discussions will be organised according to voter age group following the conventional approach adopted by research organisitions such as YOUGOV and IPSOS-MORI to explore political brand image. More specifically, this study will adopt purposive sampling framework and Guernsey citizens will be grouped from 18-24, 25-34, 35-44, 45-54, 55-64 and 65+ and each group will serve to frame each focus group discussion (Gillham 2005; Malhotra and Birks 2003). Focus group discussions will be conducted July-September 2018. Pilot interviews and focus group discussions were conducted in October 2017 to assess the usability of the interview-focus group schedules and aided developmentrefinement (Gillham 2005). The ‘political brand identity network’ (Pich and Dean 2015) serves as a conceptual framework to provide some structure the interviews-focus group discussions and be incorporated into the interview-focus group schedules (Gillham 2005; Zikmund 2003).Transcripts from the semi-structured interviews and the focus group discussions will be thematically analysed with the support of Butler- Kisber’s (2010) two-stage analytical approach. Findings The findings from stage one of the study will generate insight on how current nonparty political brands create, develop and communicate their brand identity from the perspective of elected representatives. For example, the findings will highlight how non-party political brands create-develop communication strategies and tactics, the significance of individual political personality as a tool to provide differentiation and whether personal values are used to characterise the brands (Ahmed et al. 2015; Nielsen 2016; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Smith 2008). The findings from stage two of the study will reveal how current non-party political brand image is understood from the perspective of Guernsey voters. For example, the insights linked to political brand image will reveal consistencies and incoherencies with communicated identity and awareness of communication strategies-tactics, personality characteristics and personal-cultural values of Deputies (Pich and Dean 2015). Stage two will also reveal understanding as to whether Guernsey citizens-voters desire political ‘party’ brands. This will address the third objective of the study. This in turn will highlight the ideal conceptualised political brand for Guernsey developed from a multi-stakeholder perspective. Discussion This study will also reveal the relationships between current Deputies and constituents, personal-working relationships with stakeholders across government departments and understanding of attitudes and opinions of political issues such as the introduction of parties. This in turn will introduce first-hand accounts of current non-party political brand identities. In addition, this stage will reveal if the ‘party’ dimension is the only missing element from the triad and provide understanding of the relevance of the ‘policy’ and ‘leader-politician’ dimensions (Butler et al. 2011; Davies and Mian 2010; Pich and Dean 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Further, this study will provide understanding into the relationships between voters and Deputies and highlight the perceptions, associations and imagery Guernsey voters ascribe to non-party political brands (Bosch et al. 2006a; Nandan 2005). This research will also reveal understanding as to whether Guernsey citizens-voters desire political ‘party’ brands. This in turn could result in a reconceptualization of political brands, which extends the political brand triad (Butler et al. 2011; Davies and Mian 2010; Pich and Dean 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Further, a revised definition could be tailored to the unique setting of island communities and this could have implications to other jurisdictions with non-traditional political brands. Finally, the applied findings will address the challenge put forward by Pich and Dean (2015) to assess the usability of the ‘brand identity network’ as a mechanism to explore internal political brand identity and external political brand image. This will go some way in addressing the limited number of ‘appropriate frameworks’ than can be used to assist researchers to understand brands and develop strategies to address any inconsistencies or misalignment between communicated identity and understood image (Nielsen 2015; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Ormrod 2011; Scammell 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Conclusion Subsequently, this study will seek to understand how independent elected representatives currently create and develop political brand identity and explore how Guernsey voters understand political brand image of non-party brands. Further, the findings will highlight a contribution to practice. For example, this study will reveal implications of the introduction of political ‘party’ brands to the prospective of an island-wide voting environment from the perspective of internal [Deputies] and external [citizens-voters] stakeholders. This research will offer internal political stakeholders insight into the perceptions, attitudes and opinions of external citizensvoters in terms of prospective political ‘party’ brands, desired configuration of political ‘party’ brands and highlight whether political ‘party’ brands have a role to play in the reformed electoral process on Guernsey. Further, the findings will offer internal political stakeholders the opportunity to design, create and develop their political brands in line with the wants and needs of the electorate, which in turn should strengthen political engagement, maintain personal relationships between politicians-voters and allow for the establishment of a tailored approach to political brand management in non-traditional political environments. Further, the findings will have a direct impact on the debate as to how Guernsey’s electoral process develops following the 2018 Island Wide Referendum and legislates prior the 2020 Guernsey General Election. The findings will also have implications beyond non-party systems of government for example it may offer existing party-systems of government practical methods and initiatives to strengthen voter engagement and develop stakeholder relationships across jurisdictions and constituencies. This study will also contribute to academic theory. For example, the addressed objectives will offer the researchers an opportunity reconceptualise political brands particularly in non-traditional contexts based on deep insight from the perspectives of citizens-voters, which in turn will allow the sub-discipline of political branding to advance-develop as an area of study (Needham and Smith 20015; Nielsen 2016; O’Cass 2001; Pich et al. 2016; Scammel 2015). In addition, this study will address explicit calls for future research in this area by outlining how independent political brands exist or develop without the ‘party’ element from the trinity assess the applicability of the ‘trinity’ concept to new jurisdictions. Finally, this study will assess the applicability of the ‘political brand identity network’ (Pich and Dean 2015) as a tool to explore internal political brand identity and external political brand image of non-party political brands from a multi-stakeholder perspective.

We aim to determine the level of Image Interactivity Technology which can create an optimal engagement on the online consumer’s experience while surfing on hotel websites. Our model includes three personal traits as moderating variables and will be tested through a mixed approach (i.e. experiment, interview and questionnaire).

This paper analyses consumers’ perception of the country image of Italy across 7 emerging countries: Brazil, China, India, Indonesia, Russia, South Africa, and Turkey. Drawing from the international marketing and tourism literature (De Nisco, Papadopoulos and Heslop, 2017; Roth and Diamantopoulos, 2009), 4 main structural dimensions of the Italian country image were chosen as focus of investigation: general country image, product-country image, tourism destination image and cultural heritage image. The empirical research was based on a survey conducted on a sample of 4,550 respondents intercepted through an online panel. Two preliminary exploratory factor analysis (EFA) were ran to refine the scales and to summarize the data into structural factors. The first EFAs grouped measurement scales in 7 components: tourism destination image; general country image; product country image; product accessibility; evaluation of hedonic products; evaluation of utilitarian products; and evaluation of Italy as a tourism destination. The second EFA identified 3 distinct components of the cultural heritage image construct, i) art, literature, history, movies, ii) sociality, cooking, handcrafts and iii) traditions, expression, celebrations. Using the dimensions resulting from the EFA as data input, a latent class analysis was then employed. A 4-cluster solution emerged and the four segments reveal how the general country, product, tourism and cultural heritage components of place image are related and of how they jointly affect consumers’ intentions. Moreover, the study provides additional evidence of country of origin effects from the perspective of consumers from emerging markets, where both the

This conceptual paper drew on the uses and gratifications theory to theorize about what drives consumers to engage in social media activation campaigns. This paper proposed that satisfying the needs for integration and social interaction, personal identity, information seeking, entertainment, and utilitarian reward through a social media activation campaign can enhance consumers‘ engagement with it. Finally the way in which cognitive, affective, and behavioral engagement with such campaigns affect brand image was explained theoretically. The developed conceptual framework can help marketing managers to create engaging social media activation campaigns, thereby improving the image of their brands.