본고는 바다와 관련한 각종 「海語」를 중심으로 바다의 원형이미지, 色彩美感의 바다, 靜中動의 바다, 佛敎와 바다 등의 소절로 나누어 극중에서 어떤 심미기제의 이미지로 표현되었나를 소략하게 천착하였다. 전통적인 山水詩에서 구현된 바 있는 다양한 심미의식을 海語 속에 재생산하여 희곡언어의 話語로 접목시켜 표현의 심도와 감정전달의 감도를 높이는데 일정한 기여를 한 것으로 보인다. 중국 고전희곡에 나타난 바다이미지는 자연과 인간이 공존하는 공간이미지와 인간이 자연을 의지하고 숭배하는 외경심이 적극적으로 반영된 심미적인 이미지의 결합적인 색채를 보이고 있다. 그리고 바다의 모성애적 포용성과 구원의 이미지, 생존과 파괴가 반복되는 생멸의 이미지가 강하게 반영되어 있음을 알 수 있다. 중국 고전희곡 속에는 바다라는 문자가 직접 들어간 어휘를 문장 중에 사용하여 표현의 방편을 삼은 사례가 많은데, 비유어 또는 대상어로서의 기능을 하며 심미적인 효과와 상징성을 창출하는 경우도 있음을 발견할 수 있다. 또한 작품 전체의 내용 및 주제와 바다가 연결되어 바다가 내용의 핵심 서사공간으로 기능하도록 설계된 작품이 많은 편은 아니지만 그 가운데에서 바다에 대한 선험적 인상과 의식범주를 넘어 매우 감각적이고 충격적인 영상을 전달하고자하는 작가의 고심의 흔적을 충분히 읽을 수 있다. 그리고 바다의 형상적 이미지만 취해 표현보조수단으로 사용하여 바다에 대한 통상적인 인식범주에 공감대를 형성하게 하는 경우도 있고, 바다에 대한 작가의 체험적 바탕이 없이 강이나 호수 정도로 인식하는 협의의 개념에 그친 경우도 있으나 이는 중국문화의 대륙지향의 지배적인 문화흐름에 영향을 받은 환경적인 요인으로 보인다.

Since 1884, many western Protestant missionaries came to Korea. The missionaries initially treated of the spiritual perspective of Koreans as superstitious and ignorance-oriented. Especially in the field of medicine, the Western perspective seemed to be far advanced than the Korean traditional perspective. According to the Korean traditional view, sicknesses was in many cases caused by intrusions of spiritual beings. Therefore, to cure the sick, one had to cast out those spiritual beings out of the bodies through placations or by force. With such perceptions, Korean people were not able to overcome the hard situations caused by the contagious diseases such as pestilence, small pox, and typoid fever. Western missionaries could take advantage on those matters in order to help Koreans and thereby achieving the trust of Korean government. Even though Western science and medicine proved their effectiveness through such medical works, excessive reliance can cause one to fall into the idolatry of worshipping medicine instead of God. Throughout the development in the area of science and technology, Westerners have tended to look everything through the scientific perspectives. Through such trends Western societies were believed to run the course of secularization throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. God and His supernatural world have been marginalized especially in public areas. According to Professor Paul G. Hiebert, even missionaries with severe Western cultural backgrounds have difficulties in understanding the spirit world of the native people. Early missionaries to Korea were not exceptions. They also had difficulties when they first met the Koreans and tried to understand their spiritual view points. In contrast to the Westerners who generally do not recognize the spiritual beings around them, the Koreans recognized the spiritual beings such as ghosts, ancestors in almost every aspect of their lives. Koreans were famous in maintaining the practices related to such spiritual beings throughout their ancient history. When the missionaries first observed practices related to the spiritual beings, they judged Koreans to be ingnorant or superstitious. However, the missionaries continuously tried to understand the people and their worldviews. When they were unable to understand the Korean worldview on the spiritual beings, they resorted not to the Western naturalistic perspective but to the Bible. Through comparison between the Korean traditional perspectives and the Biblical perspectives, they discovered that the Biblical perspectives were more similar to the Korean traditional perspectives. And with careful observation and examination of the Korean ministers’ deliverance works, they changed their thought about the spirit world. The demons and spiritual beings which were regarded to harass Korean people were not supterstitions or fatacies. They were real beings confirmed by the Bible. The native Korean ministers contributed a lot in the paradigm shift from Western perspective to the Korean perspective on the reality of spiritual beings. The Korean ministers viewed the Bible differently. They believed Bible stories where the possessed were released by Jesus and his disciples. The faith of Korean ministers proved to be simple and firm enough to follow the practices of Jesus and his disciples in casting out demons. When the missionaries heard about the stories of deliverances by the Korean ministers and believers, they did not stop but rather carefully examined such behaviors in light of the Bible. The final criteria of missionaries were not the western but the Biblical perspective. With such criteria, they accepted and recognized the deliverance ministries of the Korean believers. Some missionaries, when asked if they could cast out demons out of troubled, succeeded in the deliverance ministries. In my estimation, the Nevius mission plan contributed greatly in making harmony and cooperation between the missionaries and the Korean ministers. God brought Koreans who were troubled with spiritual bondage into the Kingdom of God through such faithful servants of God. The reasons the early protestant missionaries to Korea brought such great success in evangelizing Korea were foremost their deep reliance to the Bible as the Word of God and secondly their deep understanding of Koreans and their ways of thinking.

本題以崔述的《考信錄》諸書爲文獻資料來考察有關音樂考證部分, 主 要觀點在其中有無文化談論的要素和特色. 崔述的有關樂論的考證, 多有文 化談論的色彩, 可分爲本體論的談論和功用論的談論兩部分. 崔述的考證指 向點就根據儒家的音樂觀, 但是他太注重禮樂的政治社會文化的機能, 甚至 於連神話領域的樂論也連接到儒家思想, 一面看起來, 理論上本無問題, 而 筆者個人認爲難面有臆測之欠. 雖然如此, 在音樂的本質性性格和形成過程 上的段階的進展等問題上, 崔述非常努力解釋歷代學者們不能解決的問題以 及曲解的地方. 功用論的談論上亦是寓有創見, 但一方强調音樂的社會功用 性, 有點疏忽音樂自體的純粹性, 爲人感情的自然發露等原形質的槪念, 反 而表面上强調儀式化的音樂到底支配士大夫和一般人的意識, 崔述就鼓吹見 禮知政、聞樂知德, 審樂知政、觀風審音的功用性由此成爲中國傳統音樂文 化思想的主要思想基礎. 總而言之, 崔述不陷於疑古史學的朔漠無味的考證方法, 自己堅持着純 粹的科學的思維和苦心實踐, 平素强烈希望能闡明孔子所達道的正經美學, 終於他的《考信錄》可以說是其精神所歸, 代表的他的寶貴的知的所産. 雖 然崔述自己缺乏傳統音樂上的專門知識和經驗, 但是他一直不離傳統禮樂思 想和孔子所說的｢游於藝｣的文藝精神, ｢聞樂知德｣的社會功用性, 明其理, 達其致, 大膽糾正俗世學人的曲經誤謬, 欲振作儒家學風. 筆者發見在《考信錄》當中有很多文化談論的考證事例, 崔述能夠應用 字句解釋, 文獻比較, 論理辨證, 文化批評等多樣多彩的硏究方法來創造出 一面科學的, 一面人文的文化考證. 崔述的文化談論的考證事例, 關鍵就在 它可以說是具體表明他的疑古釋古參古的學術思想, 成其客觀和主觀的和諧, 實踐尙古信古復古的學問理想. 傳統中國文化上音樂就是最有代表性的文化遺産, 中國的色彩和民族性 的反映度已達其頂點, 在21世紀西歐音樂澎湃的文化環境下依然維持着對抗 的氣象. 換句話說, 誰也不能否認中國的傳統音樂是中國文化的審美基礎, 思想的核心. 活在18世紀的崔述已經認識度中國傳統音樂的存在價値, 努力 成章, 幸虧到今天中國傳統音樂決不息其氣運, 在中國人的意識形態和生活 空間上繼續發揚其順其自然的美德使命.

Traditionally, under the Korean Patent Law, the test for non-obviousness of an invention has merely required a simple comparison of prior arts and an invention at the issue in light of the purpose, structure, and effect without clear and objective criteria for both factual and legal inquiries. In contrast, the EPO has developed the problem-solution approach and would have been approach to determine the inventive step, while the U.S patent Law has made a significant change to the TSM test through the KSR. v.Teleflex case. Fortunately, the Supreme Court and the Patent Court have recently addressed more specific criteria for assessment of non-obviousness. The Supreme Court made it clear that they may not read into prior art the teachings of the invention in issue in determining whether it would have been obviousness at the time the invention was filed to a person having ordinary skill in the pertinent art in its decision of 2006hu138. This decision is the first case the Supreme Court explicitly mentioned impermissible hindsight bias. And in its decision of 2005hu3284, the Supreme Court held that to determine the question of obviousness for an invention that combined old elements, the court should consider; (1) suggestion, motivation in prior arts as well as other objective indicia such as (2) state of art when patent application was filed, (3) trend of technology development, and (4) long-felt need for invention. In its decision of 2006hur6099, the Patent Court took a position similar to the EPO’s problem-solution approach and held that the court must find the differences between the subject matter sought to be patented and the prior art are such that the matter as a whole would have been obvious. Even though each of above cases has addressed the non-obviousness standard from a different angle, the underlying ideas suggest that the Supreme Court will provide more objective criteria that guarantee the uniformity and predictability of the non-obviousness determination sooner than later.

송강 정철(1536～1593)은 조선시대 중기에 가장 활발한 활동을 한 위정자이자 문인이기도 하다.당시의 시대상황은 사화(1544)와 당쟁,그리고 임란(1592)등으로 혼란했던 시대였다.정철은 이러한 사회상을 배경으로 처절했던 삶의 체험을 대자연의 관계 속에서 형상화 내어 독창적인 창작세계를 구축해 많은 작품을 남겼다.본고는 송강 한시의 자연관의 연구의 일면으로 그의 삶의 체험에 의한 사상과 감정의 주관적인 세계가 자연물에 대한 객관적인 대상의 실경보다 그의 주관적인 심회에 치중하여 시적 형상화한 심미적 특징을 검토하였다.그의 한시에 나타난 자연물 중에 운과 월,강과 산,꽃과 나무,새 등이 주요 소재로 다루어졌다.연군의 상징적 의미로 시적 형상화된 자연물은 달,산(봉래산․종남산),물(한강)이며,연군을 향한 충정의 상징된 시어는 해와 학,그리고 매화가 표현되었다.벗과의 별리의 상징의 자연물은 대나무․소나무․연꽃에서 나타난다.송강의 은거의 처지가 상징된 자연물은 백운․벽운 등의 구름과 매화․난초․국화의 꽃과 학․갈매기․기러기 등의 새,그리고 대나무․소나무․잣나무 등의 나무에서 우국충정과 송강의 깊은 심회에 대한 외로운 신하의 애절한 정을 표현하고 있었다.한시에 나타난 자연물들은 대부분이 직관에 의한 즉흥즉사로 표현한 것이 많았다.이는 대자연의 관계에서 객관적인 대상보다 주관적인 심회가 유정화된 창작특징으로 나타났다.당대 문학창작의 조탁의 진통을 통한 단아완숙한 창작세계와는 다른 독특한 한시세계의 특질과 의의가 있다는 것을 파악하게 되었다.따라서 송강의 한시는 조탁되지 않은 즉흥즉사의 창작세계였지만 그만의 진면목이 그대로 표출되는 역동적인 기운생동의 미적특질을 지닌 독특한 창작세계로 이후 국문시가의 창작에 지대한 영향을 주었다고 본다.

The rsearch was an establishment of the important green spaces in Jeonju and to present the basic frame of green network. The relationship which leads to the green spaces and traditional cultual district needs the connetion of green corridor. The ecological view is used as the space for the passeuggest a connection on the base of the important green network between the green spaces and buildings as well as streets. Consequently, a creation plans of green spaces are demanded green corridor for the basic frame of green network in the tradional cultural district in Jeonju.

Foreigners who arrived in Korea after the age of enlightenment were Japanese,Chinese and‘Westerners’who were Europeans and Americans. The westerners werediplomats who visited Korea for colonization or for increasing their economical profits bytrading after the spread of imperialism, and tourists curious of back countries, artists,explores and missionaries to perform their roles for their religious beliefs. They contactedwith Korean cultural and educational people as missionaries and instructors duringJapanese colonial period. In 1945, the allied forces occupied Korea under the name oftakeover of Japanese colony after Japan’s surrender and the relation between foreignersand Korean cultured men enter upon a new phase. For 3 years, American soldiers enforcedlots of systems in Korea and many pro-American people were educated. This relationshiplasted even after the establishment of the government of Korean Republic and especially,diplomats called as pro-Korean group came again after Korean War. Among them, therewere lots of foreigners interested in cultures and arts. In particular, government officialsunder American Forces who were influential on political circles or diplomats widened theirinsights toward Korean cultural assets and collected them a lot. Those who were in Korea from the period of independence to 1950s wrote theirimpressions about Korean cultural assets on newspapers or journals after visitingcontemporary Korean exhibitions. Among them, A. J. McTaggart, Richard Hertz and theHendersons were dominant. They thought the artists had great interests in compromisingand uniting the Orient and the West based on their knowledge of Korean cultural assets,and they advised. However, it was different from Korean artist’s point of view that theforeigners thought Korean art adhered oriental features and contained western contents. From foreigners’point of view, it is hard to understand the attitude Korean artistschose to keep their self-respect through experiencing the Korean war. It is difficult todistinguish their thought about Korean art based on their exotic taste from the Koreanartists’local and peninsular features under Japanese imperialism. We can see their thoughtabout Korean art and their viewpoint toward the third world, after staying in Korea for ashort period and being a member of the first world. The basic thing was that they couldsee the potentialities through the worldwide, beautiful Korean cultural assets and they thought it was important to start with traditions. It is an evidence showing Korean artists’pride in regard to the art culture through experiencing the infringement of their country. By writing about illuminating Korean art from the third party’s view, foreignersrepresented their thoughts through it that their economical, military superiority goes withtheir cultural superiority. The Korean artist’s thought of emphasizing Korean history andtraditions, reexamining and using it as an original creation may have been inspired bywesterners’writings. ‘The establishment of national art’that Korean artists gave emphasis then, didn’tonly affect one of the reactions toward external impact,‘the adhesion of tradition’.In theprocess of introducing Korean contemporary art and national treasure in America, differentview caused by role differences-foreigner as selector and Korean as assistant-showed thefact evidently that the standard of beauty differed between them. By emphasizing that thebasis to classify Korean cultural assets is different from the neighborhood China and Japan,they tried to reflect their understanding that the feature of Korean art is on speciality otherthan universality. And this make us understand that even when Korean artists professmodernism, they stress that the roots are on Korean and oriental tradition. It was obviously a different thought from foreigners’view on Korean art that Koreanartists’ conception of modernism and traditional roots are inherent in Korean history. In1950s, after the independence, Korea had different ideas from foreigners that abstract wasto be learned from the west. Korea was enduring tough times with their artists’self-respectwhich made them think that they can learn the method, but the spirit of abstract is in theorient.

Dang, jonghae had written five books on chinese medicine, 『Hyeoljeungron』 is his most important work. He wanted to correct the fallacies of the theory of Jang(臟) and Bu(腑) by comparing with chinese and western medicine. He distinguished Bi(脾) from Cheomyuk(甛肉) by comparing the spleen with the pancreas. He recognized Stomach as the warehouse of foods, and explained that Bi took charge of digestion actually. Bi charged the function of Transportation(運化) and Blood-govering(統血) in addition to plain digestion, he wrote. Dang, jonghae regarded the metabolism of the human body as the interaction of Gi(氣), Blood (血), Water(水) and Fire(火). And he explained that Bi adjusted them. He classified Syndrome of Blood(血證) into five sorts of syndrome and presented four kinds of treatment. Especially he took a serious view of the treatment connected with Bi and Stomach. He set up the theory of Bi and Stomach(脾胃論) practically on basis of anatomy, but he didn't assorted the physiology and pathology of each organ clearly. However he proved the importance of Bi and Stomach by treating Syndrome of Blood and provided with the foundation of merging chinese and western medicine.

Yeats's poetry and writings were a display of his passion for mysticism and the occult. This view on Yeats has been largely expressed in various publications. Many of Yeats's critics, including Ellmann, agree that the roots of Yeats's system are in Theosophy. The roots of Yeats's philosophy are in Theosophy, being a comprehensive, unifying systems of all occult tradition, and the first metaphysical system that Yeats encountered. Being faced with the dilemma between faith and disbelief, Yeats contacted numerous texts on the subject occultism and met Blavatsky, the founder of Theosophy society, claimed to have the ability to offer a "synthesis" of religion, science, and philosophy. After many metaphysical conversations with her and many hours of long thought on the issue, Yeats took one of his first steps on his path of occult wisdom. Yeats's fascination with occultism and mysticism was so profound, and his need to create a unifying mythology so great, that he decided to develop an esoteric system of his own. Thus, between 1917 and 1925, Yeats had written A Vision, an elaborate, complicated system that is of importance in understanding Yeats's works. The first version, published in 1925, was later revised, and final version was published in 1937. In Book IV and V of A Vision Yeats had expounded the notion that history moves in great two-thousand-year cycles. This circle represents the moon and the twenty-eight phases of the moon which are closely related to the progression of time and world history. Yeats suggested all things are subject to a cycle of changes, which can be regarded as bi-polar, passing from a state of objectivity to one of subjectivity before returning to objectivity again. In this view he was strongly influenced by the Theosophists, especially Blavatsky and the Kabbalists, who saw the law of periodicity as one of the fundamental and absolute laws of the universe. Yeats believed that history was cyclic and that every 2,000 years a new cycle begins, which is the opposite of the cycle that has preceded it. In his poem "The Second Coming," the birth of Christ begins one cycle, which ends, as the poem ends, with a "rough beast," mysterious and menacing, who "slouches towards Bethlehem to be born." Yeats's theory of the historical cycle is directly related to his belief in a universal duality -- the existence of opposite but equal forces that dominate a cycle alternately. This view is in accordance with the occult traditions which teach that the First Cause exhibits periodically different aspects of itself. Yeats believed that kingdoms rise movement of history is an hour within the day of a large movement, and that all these cycles are caught within one all-inclusive "Great Year" which has a cosmic purpose. The Kabbalah says the alternation between judgement and mercy must be on equal terms. The germ finally goes back to its root principle, the Unity out of which everything proceeds.

This paper is focused on Damheonseo(湛軒書), an anthology written by Hong Daeyong, and I deal with Chinese Architectural views which he had experienced in his itinerary to Beijing, and the vivid pictures of Joseonkwan (called the Koryo or Joseon Embassy) located in Beijing at that time. He was a scholar of great erudition over astronomy, mathematics, military science, politics, and so on. He was interested in practical sciences at early time, and criticized secular scholars full of vanity who had presented purposeless articles. In his age of 35, Qianlong(乾隆) 30 (1764, Youngjo 41), he, a military escort, accompanied by Hong Uk, Joseon envoy and his uncle. Before his itinerary, he self-studied Chinese. Also, during a long journey he got new experiences and information around each area, deviating his group whenever he had some times. He could get more variant experiences than others because of his character full of curiosity, and his observations from the vivid lives of the time helped us get various views between Chinese and Korean architecture. Likewise, although he denounced Qing(淸) scathingly as a barbarian, he mentioned several points about the characteristics of Chinese architecture at that time. First of all, totally Chinese architecture had strong rational and practical points. Secondly, based on bountiful products, buildings along streets shown in Chinese city had sophisticated compositions, and luxurious and magnificent appearances. Thirdly, using the brick from walls to houses was so universal. Fourthly, the layouts of building with three- or four-closed courtyard had very orderly shapes, and the structure of street was also so arranged. Finally, because of stand-up lives, the scales and appearances of interior space were even more extended, and storages were less developed than those of Joseon. As another points, I found that Joseonkwan was moved next to Shushangguan(庶常館)from Huidongnanguan(會同南館) around Hanlimyuan(翰林院), and had been remodeled into a house with Korean custom in using the inner spaces, although it was followed by a closed courtyard style. Likewise, I recognized that Ondols were sure to be established in all temporary houses during the journey to Qing, and felt their strong traditional residential custom in such mentions. Now that the past pictures have disappeared and ways of life and our values have been largely changed, this study has very important meaning in comparing the ancient Chinese and Korean architecture.

The purpose of this research is to study the Yeat's view on the good and evil in human nature. Throughout his life, Yeats has made a spiritual, mystical and mythological world in which he tries to portray the eternally dichotomized nature of human consciousness. Yet, he attempts to harmonize the antinomies, the contraries that highlight human nature. Yeats's life and art is full of such attempts to unify harmoniously opposite forces: body and soul, good and evil, light and darkness, the sun and the moon, the antithetical and the primary, etc.. In this almost impossible unison of conflicting forces, Yeats hopes to find the unity of the two. For Yeats, instinct without spirituality, intellect without emotion, wisdom without action, and good without evil can only express a part of human nature, and he refused to deny one side of human being. He did not want to separates his soul from matter, good from evil but to find the perfect balance and attain the assertion of the 'Unity of Being.'

We are so used to the concept of the term 'space' that we do not question its conceptual validity. However, this paper argues that the notion of space prevailing all over the world, is not a universal concept that can be applicable to all architectures of the world, but is a particular concept that is generated from the Western way of thinking. This paper alms to identify the conceptual structure of the idea of space as it is originated in the tradition of the West, and, as an alternative view of space, tries to identify the nature of the view of space perceived in the tradition of the Eastern architecture. Comparison of the two views, that of the East and the West, and their meaning in the future of architecture, is another task to discuss in this paper. To be able to clarify the meaning of space in East Asian tradition, a set of new perspective of understanding of space was invited. They are ; 1. sky-earth(天地); insisting that the notion of space should be replaced within the context of sky, which is one half of sky-earth totality 2. energy of the air (空氣), space is not empty part inside of a building, but is a dynamic condition of air that is a part of the sky which always exist in form of energy 3. place(자리): instead of space, which, basically. is a man-made concept, idea of place is necessary, which include not only space but also earth Such concept of space which is different from the notion of space of the West, is meaningful not only to identify the idea of space in the East, but also to be able to contribute for more dynamic, varied, and balanced understanding of space.

To constrain the values of the model parameters for the cosmological models involving the time-decaying Λ term, we have computed sets of theoretical predictions for the N-m relation of galaxies as well as the CMB angular power spectrum: three types of variation, viz., Λ ∝ T-1, a-m, and Hn are thereby assumed following Overduin & Cooperstock (1998), although we concentrate here on the discussion of the results obtained from the first type. Our results for the N-m relation indicate that the observed excess of the galaxy counts N in the faint region beyond the blue apparent magnitude 24 can be reasonably well accounted for with the value of Ɩ in the range between 0.2 and 1. Furthermore, a comparison of our computational results of the CMB spectra with the observational data shows that the models with a mild degree of the Λ term decay, viz., with the value of Ɩ ≾ 0.4, are favorable. In this case, the age of our universe turns out to be larger than or equal to 14 Gyr, the lower limit inferred from some Uranium datings.