This study was described with a focus on the maintenance and management of Local Confucian School(Hyanggyo) architecture, centering around cases investigated through official documents written in the 1910s. In 1910, by the Japanese imperial rule, the regulations on Local Confucian School(Hyanggyo) property were enacted, and the income was paid solely to elementary school education expenses and ancestral rites. Through this process, many Local Confucian School(Hyanggyo) buildings were destroyed while only the space for ritual sacrifices remained by the Japanese colonial rule. In particular, as the land, which was the basis of Local Confucian School's property, was sold for various reasons, the finances gradually deteriorated. In addition, as the architectural acts that Local Confucian School preserves itself are restricted, it loses its original character. This study was of great significance that identified the intention to dispose of Local Confucian School(Hyanggyo) property by Japanese imperialism in the 1910s and clarified the purpose of its disposal.

During the latter part of Joseon Dynasty, Local Confucian School(Geochanghyanggyo) had served as a government school and left many official documents on the educational construction. The construction of Local Confucian School(Geochanghyanggyo), which was recorded in official documents, was diverse, and most of them were reconstructed. Construction-works recorded in an official document was drafted in two ways. One was in the same format as the accounting records and the other was written in the diary format by date. The construction cost was mainly financed by selling the land owned. Of course, with the help of the government, they could receive some of the essential timber and expenses for the construction. The management and maintenance of educational construction was entrusted by a manager called ‘Chaji(次知)’. Then there were employees called ‘Jeonjik(殿直)’ and ‘Gojik(庫直)’ and they were paid for their work.

From the results of an examination of the transition process of the site plan divided into 5 stages based on literature and materials relating to the Sangju Confucian School as well as the construction history, we can see the general transition flow as follows. The arrangement form of Sangju Confucian School shows the structures with both the sacrificial rites function and the learning function in the early period. This shows a large general flow where the form with the learning function structure at the front and sacrificial rites function structure at the back changed to a form where the learning function structure was positioned behind the boarding facilities, after which there was a transformation which left only the learning function (the form where the learning function structure was positioned in front of the boarding facilities). The type where the learning function structure is positioned in front of the boarding facilities is hard to find in the Yeongnam area, also, there are not many examples of the 2 story Myeonglyundang (hall of confucianism teachings) throughout the country Sangju Confucian School which possess the value of rarity is appraised as being a precious material showing another area characteristic in Sangju of the Yeongnam area. Also, during the late Chosun period the scale of the Dongseojae (boarding facility) was reduced and the appearance of Yangsajae can be said to be a typical example of confucian school constructions of late Chosun era.

There are several treatises about architectural characteristics of Hyangkyo. But those treatises usually treat with the types of site plans or structural characteristics without the historic background. So there needs the approaching methods with the historic background to study about the architecture of Hyangky. This study aims at the sample research about the architecture of Hyangkyo in beginnig period. Kyodong hyangkyo is the first building in hyangkyo. There are some architectural characteristics in this building comparing with the Hyangkyo in ripening period. Such characteristics apper in the site plan of educational spaces and in the floor plans of Myongryundang, Dongjae, Seojae. And there appear some characteristecs in ritual spaces such as the architectural structure of Daesungjun, and the position of stone establishment (Kwansedae, Saengdan) The ritual form of Kyodong hyangkyo has no special characteristics compering with the Hyangkyo in ripening period. These rictual form has kept the general rule of ritura form through the history.

1. Both the festival held in Confucian temple to honor Confucius or a religious ceremony in Korean traditional lecture-hall are the sacrificial rituals which is the mark of the respect for prescholars and these rituals has been followed the rules written in the book,'Yaegi' 2. For the Food formal display for the festival in Confusian temple of Chinese Gukjagam, Pebak(clothes), Mohyul(hair and blood), and the ritual food dishes, such as Byun 10, Doo 10, Gang 3 (Deung 1, Hyung 2), Bo 2, Cue 2, Jo 3 (Taeraeu as beef dish 1, Soraeu as sheep and pork dishes 2), Joo(alcohol) 3 were displayed, while in Juhyunhak, Byun 8, Doo 8 were displayed. In Taesangji edited around in 1873 in Korea, for the Confucian shrine Pebak, Mohyul, Byun 10, Doo 10, Deung 3, Hyung 3, Bo 2, Cue 2, Jo 6 (raw 3, cooked 3), Joo 3 were displayed. In pedantry Confucian temple, Pebak, Byun 8, Doo 8, Bo 2, Cue 2, Jo 2 (raw sheep and pork), Joo 3 were displayed while Mohyul was omitted, which this type of display was almost identical through the nationwide survery for the Confucian food display. Some of the Confucian food display, most of the display for Bo and Cue have been changed to Bo 1 and Cue 1, and one fifth of the Confucian display for Byun and Doo also has been changed in the numbers and food varieties. 3. In most of the sacrificial ritual food display in the Korean traditional lecture-hall, Pebak (some not applicable), Byun 4, Doo 4, Bo 1, Cue 1, Jo 1 (raw), Joo 1 were displayed. In these days, the number of the Confucian temple where the sacrificial rituals is not held, has been increased. 4. For the names of food for the Byun and Doo dishes, mostly the old names are used, however, minor changes in materials and cooking method have been found.

“교수와 훈도는 교양을 일삼지 아니하고 집에 물러가 있고, 관찰사와 수령은 이를 검찰하지 않는다.” 15세기 당시 향교 교육의 일단을 보여주는 이 구절은 가르치는 자, 즉 교관의 자질과 이들에 대한 엄정한 고과의 중요성을 일깨운다. 본 연구는 향교 교관에게 요구된 자질과 그 고과의 기준을 고찰함으로써 오늘날 교원교육이 나아가야 할 방향을 모색하고자 하였다. 우선 교관은 깊이 있고[精熟] 폭넓은 학문[博學]을 섭렵하고, 나아가 학문의 방향을 알고[知方] 그 방향으로 배우는자를 이끌어야 한다. 아울러 매사에 마음을 다하여[專心] 부지런하고 성실해야 하며[勤慤], 몸가짐을 신중히 하고 행실을 삼가야 한다[自重心]. 다음으로 이러한 자질을 구비하고 그 역할을 잘 수행 하는지 교관에 대한 고과가 이루어져야 한다. 그리하여 매월말 교훈한 경서, 생도의 수학 정도 등을 중심으로 학문의 우열(優劣), 그리고 실제로 출근한 것과 신병과 휴가 등 사고로 결근한 것 등을 중심으로 교회의 근만(勤慢) 등을 고과의 기준으로 삼았다. 그러나 당시 교관들 중에 학술은 가르치기에 부족했고 기개는 좌절되고 퇴폐된 자질 부족의 교관들이 적잖았고, 이들에 대한 관찰사의 고과도 제대로 이루어지지 못했다. 끝으로, 자질 항목과 고과 기준에서 드러나듯, 교관의 자질과 고과는 ‘덕’(德)과 ‘재’(才) 두루 아울러야 하지만, 특히 교직의 도덕적 감화와 실천의 중요성에 비추어 그 도덕적 자질 구비는 절실하며, 이는 고과에 있어서 ‘현부’(賢否)에 대한 고과로 이어져야 할 것이다.

본 연구는 조선초 향교교관 정책의 난맥상에 대해 비판적으로 검토하기 위해 이루어졌다. 조선 건국초에 주자학으로 무장된 신흥 사대부들은 이상적 유교사회를 건설하려는 목표를 갖고 있었으며, 이를 위해서는 중국의 삼대(三代)처럼 학교를 완비해야 한다는 판단에 따라 향교를 급속하게 확대 설립해 나갔다. 그러나 향교교관으로 임명할 인적 자원의 확보나 교관에게 지급할 재정의 확보 등의 대책은 너무나 부실했으며, 여기에다 교관을 경시하는 풍조와 외관직을 기피하는 경향 등 향교교관 정책을 펼치는 데 당시의 조건들은 녹록지가 않았다. 이러한 상황으로 인해 당시 향교교 관직은 교직, 외관직, 무급직이라는 약점 외에도 천전(遷轉)이나 승직(陞職)이 힘들었던 그야말로 최악의 조건을 지닌 자리였던 것이다. 이렇게 기피직이었던 향교교관을 확보하기 위해 국가에서는 흠결이 있는 문신(文臣)을 교수로 파견하거나, 피역(避役)이 목적이었던 유학(幼學)들로 하여금 훈도(訓導)·교도(敎導)·학장을 삼는 경우가 많았다. 그렇다 보니 이들은 대체로 교육에 대한 의욕이나 능력이 부족하여 실질적인 역할을 하지 못하였다. 이 때문에 학생들은 교관들에 대해 신뢰를 하지 못하는 풍조가 만연되어 향교를 기피하려 하였다. 이처럼 조선초에 향교의 증설은 시대적 당 위로서 어쩔 수 없었으나, 이것은 교관 확보가 가능한지에 대한 고민이 결여된 채 이루어진 무모한 정책이었다. 결국 이로 인하여 조선초부터 향교교육이 지속적으로 부진을 면치 못하다가 조선 중기에 이르러 거의 폐절되는 상황에 이르게 되었던 것이다.