본 연구의 목적은 칼빈이 추구하던 교회의 모습, 즉 교회론을 통해 ‘돌봄’(caring) 개념에 대해 고찰하는 것이다. 또한 간호의 정신 중 ‘돌봄’ 개념 속에 내재된 기독교적 정신과 선교적 의미를 찾고자 함에 있다. 칼빈은 「기독교 강요」 속에서 교회의 중요성을 강조했다. 칼빈은 교회를 가시적 교회와 비가시적 교회로 구분하였으며, 가시적 교회 안에 하나님만이 아시는 참된 신자들로 이루어진 불가시적 교회가 내재해 있는 것으로 보았다. 칼빈은 교회의 직분에 대해 강조하고 직분을 목사-장로- 집사- 교사의 직분으로 나누었다. 각 직분은 병든 자를 돌봄, 감독함, 가르침처럼 현대의 간호사가 수행하는 역할들이 포함되어 있다. 우리 모두는 하나의 교회이며, 하나님 나라를 실현해가는 도구이자 장소이다. 칼빈의 교회론을 통해 찾아낸 돌봄은 간호사와 대상자가 상호 주관적 관계를 갖고 서로의 감정을 상상하고, 깨닫고, 행동하고, 접촉하며 언어 등의 수단을 통해 전달하는 것이며, 하나님의 선교, 즉 하나님 계획을 실천하는 것이다.

칼빈의 성화론을 다루면서, 먼저 칼빈에게 있어서 성화의 의미는 지속적인 회개와 온전한 사랑 그리고 칼빈이 주장하는 성화는 내적이면서 동시에 외적인 것임을 확인하면서, 본 논문이 윤리적 관점에서 칼빈의 성화론을 연구하고자 하는 까닭에 “성화”와 “윤리”의 개념이 어떤 관계성을 가지고 있는가를 밝혀 나간다. 칼빈은 하나님의 절대주권 아래서 문화를 보았던 문화 신학자로서, 성화의 범위를 일반 은총의 영역에까지 확장시키고 있으며, 이 외에도 윤리적 영역으로 가장 기본적이고도 중요하다고 할 수 있는 개인 윤리로서 윤리적 삶을 위하여 자기 부정과 십자가를 지는 것, 그리고 감사와 복종 등을 제시하고 있다.

웨슬리는 자신과 종교개혁 신학의 차이만 지나치게 강조하는 부적절한 이해에 반대해 존 뉴턴에게 자신의 신학은 “칼빈과 머리카락 하나 차이” 밖에 없음을 밝힌 바 있다. 그 차이는 무엇을 말하는가? 웨슬리는 설교 “값 없이 주시는 은총”(1739)에서 “구원의 원천이 되는 하나님의 은혜”의 특성을 “받는 모든 사람에게 값없고(free in all), 모든 사람을 위해 값없다”(free for all)라는 두 가지 키워드로 설명했다. 그중 “free for all”은 그리스도는 모든 사람을 위해 죽으셨으나 믿는 자에게 그 은혜가 적용된다는 보편 속 죄론 주장으로, 웨슬리가 칼빈주의 TULIP 교리에 반대했음을 보여준다. 그러나 ”free in all”은, 하나님의 은혜는 “그것을 받는 모든 사람에게 값없 이” 주어질 뿐 “사람의 능력이나 공로 … 선행이나 의로움 … 이룩한 것이나 됨됨이 … 에 달려있지 않음”을 의미하는 것으로, 이 주장에서 웨슬리는 종교개혁자들의 가르침을 온전히 계승한다. 웨슬리가 “free for all”의 주장에서 종교개혁 신학과 다름을 지나치게 강조해 “free in all”에서의 동질성을 간과해서는 안 될 것이다.

This paper aims at showing Calvin’s position against Jews. In Calvinstudies it is admitted that it is difficult to present his perspective about Jews, because it is unlikely that Calvin had met any Jews in France. In addition, he never wrote any books or texts on the Jewish people in his life. There is only one text that has been published after his death. Therefore, I will divide his life in to three parts, and then I analyse his texts and his biblical commentaries published during his life. I observe his attitude toward the Jews as a chosen people in the Old Testament and the Jews living in his contemporary. In this analysis I present that Calvin’s position has changed. In other words, this means that there is a linguistic difference between his books and his biblical commentaries published in his lifetime and the text ‘Ad quaestiones et obiecta cuiusdam repsonsio’ published after his death. Therefore, by tracing the date of this text, I will attempt to show the reasons, why Calvin had changed.

Considering the growing importance of the issue of the Christians’ participation into the Politics, this study aims to compare John Calvin(1509-1564)’s political thoughts and his works in Geneva and the political ideas and activities of Abraham Kuyper(1837-1920). According to this research, Abraham Kuyper had re-found Calvin’s political thoughts, and tried to apply these ideas to the modern secularized European society. While Kuyper was struggling against the spirit of the French Revolution after the Napoleon’s regime, the Dutch society was experiencing the radical social segmentation. Under these social circumstances Kuyper was able to succeed in the formation of the Christian “Public Face,” respecting the tolerance and democratic way of thinking. In the sixteenth century Calvin’s political thoughts showed “via media,” walking in the middle way between the conservative Roman Catholics and the radical Anabaptists. Just as Calvin did, Kuyper also followed the “via media” between the conservative wings, following Metternich’s line and the radical socialists. Both Calvin and Kuyper recognized the state as established by God in order to keep the human dignity and peace in the society. Calvin’s political thought was based on the “regnum Dei(the rule of God)” over the Church and the State. In Kuyper’s case, he put his political idea on the “Pro Rege (For the King)” and “Souvereintiteit in Eigen Kring (Sphere Sovereignty)” and the “Common Grace.” Calvin believed that the state and the church must co-work for the human life and the poor in the society, while he struggled the independence of the church from the state. However, in the pillared society of the 19th` century of the Netherlands, Kuyper could make the political thoughts of Calvin in practice through the foundation of the Christian political party based on the Democracy. Thus the Dutch Calvinists and especially Kuyper could bring the Christian value and norm in the secular society.

Der Syllogismus practicus, der die oft für charakteristisch für den Calvinismus gehalten wird, die Ansicht, dass die Erwählung an Wohlergehen und Wohlstand des Mensch abgelesen werden könne, bildete sich im 17. Jahrhundert heraus. Der Syllogismus practicus kommt nun ins Spiel, die Lehre nämlich, dass man aus den guten Werken, die man vollbringt, auf den eigenen Gnadenstand zurückschliessen kann. Denn diese Lehre stellt, so Weber, das entscheidende Bindeglied zwischen dem calvinistischen Berufsverständnis und der innerweltlichen Askese auf der einen und dem Kapitalismus dar. Aber diese Studie will aufzeigen, dass Calvin nirgendwo behauptet hat, dass er wirtschaftlichen Erfolg als Maßtab dafür angesehen häte, ob ein Mensch von Gott erwät ist. Die sich anschließenden Überlegungen sollen dann detailliert die eigentliche Form von Syllogismus practicus Calvins erbringen, dass Glaube und gute Werke Zeichen der Berufung Gottes sind, die Zeichen der Erwählung Gottes ist. Calvin nun hat sich streng an die Texte Luthers und Zwinglis angeschlossen, sowohl in der Terminologie als auch in den inhaltlichen Zusammenhängen. 1) Nach Luther sind die guten Werke Zeichen sind für den eigenen Glauben an Christus. Sie machen dem Gläubigen seine Erwählung gewiss. 2) Nach Zwingli führt Gottes Vorsehung zur Erwählung, die Erwählung zum Glauben und der Glaube zu guten Werken. Oder in umgekehrter Reihenfolge: Die guten Werke sind das Zeichen des Glaubens, der Glaube ist das Zeichen der Erwählung und die Erwählung Zeichen der Vorsehung. Von hier aus lässt sich begründen, dass Zwinglis Syllogismus practicus auf der Ebene der Vorsehung die Praxis des Gesetzes in gesellschaftlicher Dimension begründet.

Heinrich Bullinger and John Calvin agreed on a common doctrine of the Eucharist in 1549. They signed a mutual agreement in Zurich, includes 26 items:≪Consensus Tigurinus≫, which was published in Zurich and Geneva in 1551. The agreement between the Zurich and the Geneva branch of the Reformation is historically significant. On the one hand, the≪Consensus Tigurinus≫brought the unity of the Zwinglian Reformation and that of the Calvinist in Switzerland. This means to be a single Reformed Church. But on the other hand, the document was attacked by the Gnesio Lutheran Joachim Westphal, and it brought about the innocent occasion of the second sacramental controversy.

This article begins with an introduction of women in Calvin’s time in order to explain his context and his attitude about women and women’s issues. Calvin’s Christian thoughts are of great importance both to the church and the society at large. In this article, the author focuses on women around Calvin: more particularly, Calvin’s marriage with Idelette de Bure, his concept of marriage and Marie Dentière as pioneer of women’s theology in his historical context. The author focused on illustrations of influential women in Calvin’s time and their limitations full emancipation. Calvin challenged the medieval ethic of marriage issues while retaining some conservative attitudes. However, he shouldn’t be criticized to feminist measures of the twenty-first century. It is obvious that there are certain limitations of his ideas in his era, but at the same time provides an important theological basis for further development within the Swiss reformed tradition. Particularly in the churches, one must learn to avoid discrimination gender, race, or social class, and instead place as much value as possible on each individual.

This paper explores the function and the role of poverty in the theology of John Calvin. In recent years, Calvin scholarship has been concerned to the ministry of the Genevan Church to social welfare policy, especially the poor. The writer tries to reveal peculiarity of Calvin’s system with respect to social welfare, examining numerous studies on his social and economic ethics. This study demonstrates that Calvin’s theology of poverty undercuts merit piety of medieval Roman Catholic Church, and that he relates the issue of poverty to his Christology, the nature of the Christian life, and the Church. This study proceeds as follows. The introduction discusses the concept of the Church Fathers and understanding of medieval church on poverty. The second chapter describes Genevan context of the sixteenth century in regard to civil relief system. This chapter shows that before Calvin comes to Geneva, there has been social care system developed by Genevan citizens. The chapter sketches an historical context for Calvin’s theological view on poverty. This fact plays an important role in reconstruction of social welfare institutions by Calvin. He endeavors to reform relief system of the poor in coordination of the ecclesiastical system and civil magistrates. Chapter three will be divided into three parts. First part examines Calvin’s theology of the poverty in his writings and sermons. Calvin interprets multifariously the poverty of Christ and its significance for the Christian life and the church, investigating theological meanings of physical and spiritual poverty. Second part examines the right use of wealth, showing that Calvin is essentially primer among the Reformation theologians to wrestle with the interrelation of secular economic development and the material and moral welfare of the individual. Third part argues the relationship between the ecclesiastical system and civil system in Calvin’s social welfare. This part demonstrates that for Calvin, coterminous interaction between the church and civil government on charitable work was unique. Conclusion part says several remarks of Calvin’s theology of poverty.

For a long time John Calvin was understood mainly as theologian, but he understood himself as doctor and pastor. To both ministries he believed that he was directly called by God and performed his ministry with honor and sincerity. Against Cardinal Sadoleto’s sharp questioning on his qualifications as pastor, Calvin declared that his calling came from God and believed his destiny to be similar to that of the Old Testaments Prophets, who were personally and unconditionally called by God, and delivered God’s message by the help of the Spirit. Therefore, unlike the Catholic priests, he became a pastor without endorsement from church authority via an ordination ceremony. As Alexander Ganozy contested, Calvin seemed to consider the calling of the local church and his actual function as pastor to be the most effective way to become a pastor. This may be scandalous to some modern Christians who are familiar with grand ordination ceremonies, but omission of ordination can be understood as a sensible choice for Calvin when the Protestant Reformers already broke with the tradition of the Roman Catholic Church. Upon returning to Geneva Calvin ministered churches with the fourfold ministry system-pastor, doctor, elder and deacon. Among pastoral duties preaching and teaching the Word was a primary responsibility. However, teaching the Word was not enough; the Word has to be realized in the actual life of believers. Calvin espoused the three marks of believers (notae fidelium) - confession of faith, example of life, regular participation in sacraments-and it is noted in this article that Calvin’s understanding of the pastor’s role is to assist his parishioners to bear those marks. To make this happen pastors cannot work by themselves. The nature of ideal ministry which Calvin advocated in Geneva was collegial and cooperative. He insisted in forming the Geneva Consistory and worked closely with elders in caring, educating, and discipling newly-converted Protestant Genevans. Furthermore, Calvin also started the Company of Pastors in Geneva with the purpose of enhancing pastor’s intellectual and spiritual quality, and further holding each other’s morality in check. In regard to the Company of Pastors this article introduced its five functions largely based upon Robert Kingdon’s observations: (1) examination of pastoral candidates; (2) member’s education; (3) mutual criticism; (4) mission work; (5) almsgiving, especially for French refugees at the time. Although Calvin himself did not go through the ordination ceremony, he devised a procedure and protocol with which a pastor may be examined by the Company and church, and eventually appointed by the city council. Once appointed, the pastor was in close communication and check with fellow pastors of the city and its suburbs. Calvin’s own understanding of himself as pastor and his practices as pastor offer some lessons to modern pastors and churches such as a thorough examination process for pastoral candidates and organized collegial relationships between pastors.