In his whole life and thought, Basilius of Caesarea represented what the Christian life should be. The purpose of this article is to inquire into the economic thought of Basilius of Caesarea in the fourth century of the Roman Empire. In this article, his contribution to the theological enterprise has been considered in several points. First of all, Basilius’ economic thought has shown the foundation of ownership, based on the justice of God. Secondly, he criticized that someone possesses surplus to one’s needs or exclusively owns public property. Moreover, Basilius strongly refuted against the monopoly of land ownership and claimed the equal rights in using the land and natural resources, emphasizing koinonia. Finally, he revealed the seriousness of the usury, even though it has been regarded as legitimate. According to Basilius, anyone who live an extravagant life among the poor would not be considered to be guiltless, even if he had a legitimate ownership. In other words, he challenged the concept of one’s morality and proposed high standards on economic thought as a Christian seeking for the justice of God. In sum, Basilius has shown what the mission of Christians is for the Korean society confronting with serious problems of neo-liberalism. Through his thought on economics, what is really precious for us living in these days could be reflected.

Der Syllogismus practicus, der die oft für charakteristisch für den Calvinismus gehalten wird, die Ansicht, dass die Erwählung an Wohlergehen und Wohlstand des Mensch abgelesen werden könne, bildete sich im 17. Jahrhundert heraus. Der Syllogismus practicus kommt nun ins Spiel, die Lehre nämlich, dass man aus den guten Werken, die man vollbringt, auf den eigenen Gnadenstand zurückschliessen kann. Denn diese Lehre stellt, so Weber, das entscheidende Bindeglied zwischen dem calvinistischen Berufsverständnis und der innerweltlichen Askese auf der einen und dem Kapitalismus dar. Aber diese Studie will aufzeigen, dass Calvin nirgendwo behauptet hat, dass er wirtschaftlichen Erfolg als Maßtab dafür angesehen häte, ob ein Mensch von Gott erwät ist. Die sich anschließenden Überlegungen sollen dann detailliert die eigentliche Form von Syllogismus practicus Calvins erbringen, dass Glaube und gute Werke Zeichen der Berufung Gottes sind, die Zeichen der Erwählung Gottes ist. Calvin nun hat sich streng an die Texte Luthers und Zwinglis angeschlossen, sowohl in der Terminologie als auch in den inhaltlichen Zusammenhängen. 1) Nach Luther sind die guten Werke Zeichen sind für den eigenen Glauben an Christus. Sie machen dem Gläubigen seine Erwählung gewiss. 2) Nach Zwingli führt Gottes Vorsehung zur Erwählung, die Erwählung zum Glauben und der Glaube zu guten Werken. Oder in umgekehrter Reihenfolge: Die guten Werke sind das Zeichen des Glaubens, der Glaube ist das Zeichen der Erwählung und die Erwählung Zeichen der Vorsehung. Von hier aus lässt sich begründen, dass Zwinglis Syllogismus practicus auf der Ebene der Vorsehung die Praxis des Gesetzes in gesellschaftlicher Dimension begründet.

The religious authority has generally rejected iconolatry. In order to reinforce the religious authority and to organize the Church which was distracted by the Reformation, the authority had to introduce the image which was the fruit of the Western Catholic Church, and the piety which was distracted by hagiolatry, into the Protestant Church system. There were cases where the desire for Reformation was connected to the ambition for the religious power. Naturally, the arts began to be excluded, and only Luther among all the Reformers did not forbid the arts from being passively accepted. The other radical Reformers were dissatisfied with this kind of attitude and insisted upon stronger iconoclasm. Karlstadt, Calvin and Zwingli started to go their separate ways. The Reformers held fast to the recognition that art was idolatry itself, as a response to idolatry of the Roman Catholic Church, even before they mentioned any theological criteria regarding distinction between art and idol. And the iconoclasts marked radical acts down as clearer, stronger response to the Catholic Church, which would strengthen the Reformation. It cannot be affirmed that the other radical Reformers except Luther failed to have eyes for art and beauty. In Churches of the regions where the Reformers gained victory, holy pictures were no longer demanded as they used to be in the Middle Ages. The artists had to paint other topics for living. Ironically, the Korean Protestant Church of the present time is actively accepting modern technology. The images of Jesus Christ and the holy pictures are slowly disappearing from Church walls. and are replaced by CCTVs showing videos of the pastor’s sermon. The influence of the pastor’s image which is periodically broadcast through closed circuit cannot be irrelevant to the Church’s propaganda and the believers’ idolization of their pastor. A theological excuse is demanded to carefully reconcile the attitude of Luther who used his own portrait to unfold the Reformation, with the attitude of the other Reformers who were dissatisfied with him and insisted upon stronger iconoclasm. The Protestant Church has to focus more on esthetic education to enhance piety through the religious arts, rather than strongly present the pastor’s image on a CCTV.

This paper aims at the research on the theological change of the radical Pietist Gottfried Arnold. It is well-known, that it is discussed in Arnold’s research, whether there has been a change in Arnold’s theological views in the course of his life. In his largest work Unparteyische Kirchen-und Ketzer-historie [i.e. Impartial History of the Church and of Heresy] (Frankfurt, 1699-1700), Arnold showed very sympathy towards heresy than towards any established Church, or especially the clergy. He thought that the worst calamity in Church history was its establishment as the accepted and orthodox faith by the Roman Emperor Constantine in the fourth century. Arnold evinced a remarkable sympathy for a huge variety of “heretics.” Absolutely he was the radical representatives of Pietism. However, Arnold had become a moderate Pietist from the radical representatives of Pietism after his marriage (1701) and his acceptance of a regular pastoral position (1702). He produced a number of noteworthy works on practical theology. The primary purpose of this study is to examine why Arnold married and took over the church office. This study mainly utilizes Arnold’s writings in 1700-1701 as primary sources.

This paper starts with the preposition that John Wesley’s main theological concern was holiness. Recently, there have been studies criticizing the traditional interpretations of Wesley’s theology that were focused on individual piety; the new studies emphasize the social aspects of Wesley’s ideas and practices. At first, this paper basically agrees that the society-oriented interpretation of Wesley’s theology exhibits its comprehensive dimensions well, and suggests various applications such as social activism and social programs. Due to their social concerns, however, the researchers have ignored the contexts of the passages in which Wesley referred to the word “society,” and, in the end, misunderstood its real meaning. According to its own critical reading, this paper reveals that Wesley’s usage of the term “society” strongly implied the religious society, that is, the community of the people called the Methodists. While Wesley knew religious societies in the late seventeenth century in England, and tried to follow their rules, he pushed forward his own Methodist Society applied to the newer contexts of the Industrial Revolution. The Methodist Society had organized groups and made rules even for the plain, the poor, and the female, all those who were marginalized in English society. Because the Methodist Society gave membership to the people from the whole society, and nourished them spiritually in small groups such as classes and bands, its purpose of reforming the church implied reforming society and the nation. Considering Wesley’s idea of community of goods, we may search for a clue for reforming Korean churches, and, while doing it, show a more excellent way to live within the whole of society, with the accountability groups in the church. In this sense, Wesley’s theology is still effective not only for Wesleyans, but also for all of society’s members.

This essay examines the seventeenth century New England Congregationalists’ doctrine of the “church covenant” and its relationship with the “half-way covenant.” According to Perry Miller, there is a radical discontinuity between them. Miller points out three major differences. First, the half-way covenant introduced a new internal/external distinction into the early fathers’ church covenant, while the latter had considered their church covenant as a visible form of the internal covenant of grace. Second, accordingly, the defenders of the half-way covenant “drastically separated” the church covenant from the covenant of grace. As a result, the church covenant was “no longer viewed as a direct manifestation of spiritual conversion.” Third, there was a generation gap: While the old generation opposed the principle of the half-way covenant, the young generation tended to defend it. Miller shared the early seventeenth century critics’ view of the church covenant--as shown in Samuel Rutherford's polemical works against New England Congregationalism. Rutherford, for example, tended to identify Thomas Hooker’s concept of the church covenant with the Separatists’ view of it which was deeply rooted in their “pure church” ecclesiology. Both Rutherford’s and Miller’s thesis, however, represent a one-sided view. Hooker and his brethren present enough counter-evidence to show that the principle of the half-way covenant should be compatible with the early doctrine of the church covenant: First, the internal/external distinction does not belong to a later development because it was a basic feature for Hooker’s doctrine of the church covenant. Hooker clearly sees his church covenant as an external--not internal--covenant. Second, Hooker and his brethren make a significant distinction between the invisible/inward covenant of grace and the visible/outward covenant of grace. The latter, Hooker argues, is given for the visible church--either an explicit or an implicit form of church covenant. Third, Hooker’s church covenant does not nullify the traditional distinction of the visible/invisible church. On the contrary, it must preserve it. Finally, unlike Miller’s thought, the majority of the early Congregationalists--even in the 1630s--actually favored the principle of the half-way covenant. The above facts must account for the reason why the defenders of the half-way covenant could claim that they had the fathers of Congregationalism (including Hooker) on their side. In short, the complex reality demands that we should seek a more balanced approach to the issue of continuity/discontinuity between the church covenant and the half-way covenant.

Considering the growing importance of the issue of the Christians’ participation into the Politics, this study aims to compare John Calvin(1509-1564)’s political thoughts and his works in Geneva and the political ideas and activities of Abraham Kuyper(1837-1920). According to this research, Abraham Kuyper had re-found Calvin’s political thoughts, and tried to apply these ideas to the modern secularized European society. While Kuyper was struggling against the spirit of the French Revolution after the Napoleon’s regime, the Dutch society was experiencing the radical social segmentation. Under these social circumstances Kuyper was able to succeed in the formation of the Christian “Public Face,” respecting the tolerance and democratic way of thinking. In the sixteenth century Calvin’s political thoughts showed “via media,” walking in the middle way between the conservative Roman Catholics and the radical Anabaptists. Just as Calvin did, Kuyper also followed the “via media” between the conservative wings, following Metternich’s line and the radical socialists. Both Calvin and Kuyper recognized the state as established by God in order to keep the human dignity and peace in the society. Calvin’s political thought was based on the “regnum Dei(the rule of God)” over the Church and the State. In Kuyper’s case, he put his political idea on the “Pro Rege (For the King)” and “Souvereintiteit in Eigen Kring (Sphere Sovereignty)” and the “Common Grace.” Calvin believed that the state and the church must co-work for the human life and the poor in the society, while he struggled the independence of the church from the state. However, in the pillared society of the 19th` century of the Netherlands, Kuyper could make the political thoughts of Calvin in practice through the foundation of the Christian political party based on the Democracy. Thus the Dutch Calvinists and especially Kuyper could bring the Christian value and norm in the secular society.

The role and status of the Shinminheo held a high position of the nataional movement of Korea in the period of Japanese occupation. This Study deals with the establishment and activities of the Shinminheo in relation to Sangdong Group with the central district of Seoul. The Sangdong church with Rev. Deokgi Jeon was a central headquarter of the establishment and activities of Shinminheo, and the majority of central figures of the Shinminheo were Christians and patriots who took an active part in and around the Sangdong church. The Sangdong group with Deokgi Jeon gave solid foundations of the activities of the Shinminheo in terms of the place, figures and organization, and the ideas, goals, methods of activities as well as constituents of the Shinminheo were closely connected with the Sangdong group. The main spirit of the Sangdon Group was patriotism which was related to the kingdom of God expressed in the love of God, neighbors and nation on the basis of Christian faith. The group gave great stress on the spirit of national salvation through edification and education of people and training of promising leaders and emphasized the semse of unity by calling together men of like mind and the consistence of speech and action on the basis of trust. All these ideals of the Sangdong group were the foundation for the Shinminheo in the period of Japanese aggression. It is not surprising that the members of the Sangdong group played significant roles in the national movement in collaboration with other colleagues. At the time of national crisis, the Sangdong group showed vivid patriotism for the nation firmly grounded on Christian faith. This paper argues Christian faith contributed to practice of love of God, neighbors and nation and cosolidation of the independent movement in these critical situations.

Arthur T. Pierson (1837-1911) and his former student Horace G. Underwood (1859-1916) at New Brunswick Theological Seminary collaborated for the missionary work in Korea. The aim of this paper is to provide a reconstructed perspective on their contacts with acquaintances, their cooperation, and their legacy that they have left. Underwood was introduced as a pioneer missionary in Korea in the Missionary Review of the World (MRW) to which Pierson devoted his life as a chief-editor for twenty three years. While Underwood was working as a MRW correspondent in Korea, his articles on Korea drew Pierson’s attention. Among missionaries, W. W. White’s visit to Korea in September, 1910 triggered movements of establishing a Bible school in Seoul. The Union Bible School managed by Presbyterians and Methodists was an outcome from the movements although it did not come with permanent buildings. A.T. Pierson has made a great contribution to missionary work in Korea. His friends who respected and admired him in the world conveyed out a plan for a memorial of his devoted life and spirit after A.T. Pierson’s sudden death in New York in June 3, 1911. He passed away after a short six-month stay in Korea. There were two prominent leaders involved in the establishment of a memorial, which was called Arthur T. Pierson Memorial Bible School in Seoul, Korea: his eldest son D. L. Pierson in New York and Underwood in Seoul. This paper is about the historical background, process and meaning of Underwood’s involvement in it.

This study reviews the existing discourses on church disunity of the Korean Presbyterian Churches. It aims to examine the structure and logic of the discourses rather than criticising the discourses themselves. In doing so, it first accepts the existing discourses as such through suspension of judgment, and then clarifies the limitation of the discourses and suggests the feasible, if any, solutions. In the existing discourses on church disunity, it is said that the following issues are most important for each groups: the discipline issue for the Presbyterian Church in Korea, Koshin (Koshin group), the issue of the doctrine of the Bible for the Presbyterian Church of the Republic of Korea (PROK, Kijang group), the issue of the ecumenical movement for the Presbyterian Church in Korea (Hapdong group), and the personality issue for the Presbyterian Church of Korea (Tonghap group). Although different Korean Presbyterian denominations delivered their own discourses on church disunity, we came to notice the discrepancy between their argument and the reality of the churches when examining their church history. Such discrepancy, however, strongly suggests that in the Korean Presbyterian Churches there can be possibilities to change the course of history. As the Early Church took the opportunity for unity and development, facing church disunity, the Korean Church, particularly the Korean Presbyterian Churches, is expected to do the same.

Recently, the term of spirituality is drawing people’s special attention, in particular, in Christianity. However, for the diverse or multi-meanings of spirituality, it is neither easy to define it clearly, nor to use it suitably. In this paper, I try to approach this theme focusing on the history of Christian mysticism, in particular, Protestant one. In general, the mainstreams in Church history have tended to know God in academic ways. But, one can find that there have been other ways to approach God, which has been known as mysticism. While there is a strong tendency to identify mysticism with superstition in Korea, mysticism has a long history in Christianity, seeking a spiritual union with God. During the Middle Age, monasteries were the center of mysticism. However, in the case of Protestantism, where monasticism could not find its place, such a tradition persistently has appeared in a variety of forms and ways. During the Reformation, the Reformers focused their attentions on the doctrine of justification by faith, while Anabaptists had more concern about the mystical and moral aspects of Christian life. In the 17th century, however, Pietism and Puritanism began to appear paying more attention to the changed life of Christians. As a result, regeneration and sanctification became popularized along with, or even instead of justification. During the 18th century, spiritual experience became a central concern for many evangelicals in the American colonies as well as the Great Britain. The pivotal figures during the First Great Awakening preached a series of sermons on regeneration or conversion. They emphasized the significance of spiritual experience by revivals which led believers to the higher state of piety, that is, sanctification or holiness. Such a trend persisted during the nineteenth century. A variety of holiness movements sought to have the experience of entire sanctification by the Baptism of the Holy Spirit. In the case of Charles G. Finney, however, he attempted to synthesize both personal holiness and social reform in his controversial revivals. The twentieth century opened its door with the appearance of Pentecostalism. This radical version of holiness movement shaped its theological and spiritual identity by placing its primary emphasis upon the doctrine of speaking in tongue as the physical sign of the Baptism of the Holy Spirit. By this new movement, the Holy Spirit became more popularized, and the Charismatic experiences became one of the most serious concerns of modern Christians regardless of their denominational differences. Currently, the so-called “Emerging Church” is drawing a more fresh and attractive attention from many Christians, which tries to apply the ancient types of spirituality to the postmodern atmosphere. Likewise, the Protestant spirituality has been trying to find or construct its path in a variety of ways. Such a sacred struggling is still going on.