이 연구는 아르헨티나 의료정책에서 건강에 대한 인식의 변화를 살펴 보고 이주민 건강에 대한 함의를 탐색하는 것이다. 아르헨티나 의료정책 의 변화는 건강의 개념이 구성적임을 보여준다. 아르헨티나 의료정책에 서 건강은 노동 생산성과 연결되었다가 정치화되었다. 또한 신자유주의 흐름에서 건강은 자본이자 상품이 되었다. 하지만 건강이 항상 시장 논 리로만 설명할 수 있는 것은 아니며 교육과 함께 정부와 대중 사이의 중 요한 연결고리 역할을 하며 매력적인 정치 도구가 된다. 아르헨티나에서 이주민은 아르헨티나의 경제 상황에 따라 이주 정책에 포함과 배제를 넘 나들었다. 정부는 2003년 이주민의 건강권을 보호하기 위해 법률과 제도 를 마련했지만, 의료현장에는 이주민의 신체, 문화 등에 대한 '일상화된 편견'이 지속되고 있었다. 이주민들은 정책적으로 아르헨티나의 ‘안보’를 위태롭게 하는 존재가 되어 ‘통제’를 받기도 하며, 아르헨티나인의 건강 을 위협하는 의료 문제의 주범으로도 간주 된다. 이러한 상황은 이주민 들의 건강권도 위협하고 있으며 이주민의 건강이 제도적 기반 외에도 사 회적 변화가 필요함을 시사한다.

This study examines the concept of Korean ethnicity by looking into how the Choseonjok, ethnic return migrants from China, are perceived in online news comments. Data were collected from 3,109 comments, which were written in response to 28 news articles regarding the Choseonjok, and analyzed using a Python-based text-mining technique and critical discourse analysis. The findings show that the commenters perceived the Choseonjok negatively, including as potential criminals or social vice. They not only placed the Choseonjok in an inferior position to pure Koreans but also excluded them from the category of compatriots, arguing that speaking the same language and sharing a similar appearance were not enough to make the ethnic return migrants Korean compatriots. This study critically demonstrates how a group of ethnic return migrants is depicted in online public discourses and how this portrayal can shed light on the conceptualization of Korean ethnicity in this era of multiculturalism.

On March 18, 2020, Malaysian Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin declared the nationwide enforcement of the Movement Control Order to curb the spread of COVID-19. In September 2020, Malaysia entered the third wave of the outbreak. Active cases rose from 60 to more than 13,000. The government’s Ops Benteng stops illegal migrants, who are at high risk of bringing COVID-19 into Malaysia. This includes illegal Rohingya migrants, who enter Malaysia to flee persecution in their home country, Myanmar. There are approximately 150,000 Rohingya migrants in Malaysia and more are expected. This article examines the main reason behind the influx of Rohingya illegal migrants and discusses whether the Malaysian government should tighten its borders to safeguard against COVID-19. The government must prioritise its own citizens over the Rohingyas; the responsibility of managing this humanitarian disaster should be shared with other nations, particularly those party to the United Nations Convention relating to the Status of Refugees 1951.

2020년 들어 확산된 코로나19는 한국교회의 북한이탈주민 사역에 새로운 과제와 도전을 주고 있다. 사회적 취약계층인 북한이탈주민은 코로나19로 인해 다중적인 어려움을 겪고 있으며, 북한이탈주민 사역의 환경도 급격히 악화되고 있다. 이 글은 지난 20여 년간 한국교회의 북한이탈주민 사역에 대한 반성적인 성찰 위에서 코로나19 시대를 맞이하여 한국교회가 나아가야 할 방향과 과제를 제시한다. 첫째, 북한 이탈주민 사역의 초점을 신규 입국 북한이탈주민보다 ‘이미’ 한국에 와 있는 3만 명가량의 북한이탈주민, 특히 기존의 사역 체계에서 놓치던 유형의 북한이탈주민을 향해 전환해야 한다. 둘째, 북한이탈주민 사역 은 일방적인 선교적 접근이 아닌 ‘더 나은 삶에 대한 추구’라는 목표를 가지고 한국에 정착하고자 하는 이들에 대한 세심한 접근으로 바뀌어야 한다. 셋째, 북한이탈주민 사역 방식과 관련하여 시혜적인 방식이 아닌 호혜적인 방식을 추구해야 한다. 넷째, 북한이탈주민 사역 단체 간의 연대와 사역 재편에 대한 본격적인 논의가 있어야 한다. 마지막으로 코로나19 시대에 상호 간의 돌봄과 정서적 관리를 해줄 수 있는 더 작지만 깊은 관계성을 지향하는 공동체들을 세워가야 한다.

본 논문의 목적은 다문화사회를 맞이한 한국교회의 현실을 돌아보고 공존을 위한 교회의 시대적 역할과 책임을 논하였으며 이주민에 대한 선교적 사명의 필요성을 인지하고 사명을 감당하는 방법으로 말씀에서 필요한 원리와 방법을 찾아 기독교의 가치관과 세계관을 공유해 신앙의 공동체로 초청할 수 있는 효과적인 전도전략을 제시해 보려고 하였다. 먼저 연구자는 한국교회가 다문화사회의 시대적 흐름에 대비해 상호존중을 통한 공존의 노력을 기울이며 다문화사회로의 전환 을 준비하도록 제안하였다. 한국사회의 다문화 증가 현상은 거부할 수 없는 현실이며 다문화 이주민의 지속적인 유입은 문화적 상호의존관 계를 형성해 다문화사회를 확장시킬 것이기에 교회도 이주민과의 상생 을 위한 발전 지향적 관계를 수립하고 공존을 위한 사회통합의 노력에 참여해 적절한 책임과 시대적 역할을 감당해야 할 것이다. 이를 위해 연구자는 다문화 이주민의 실태와 문제점을 살펴보고 인류 공동체의 산물인 문화를 하나님의 말씀 안에서 재해석하며 성경적 산물로 옷을 입혀 새롭게 인식하는 일에 대한 논의를 전개하였고 마지막으로 한국교 회가 현장에서 적용할 수 있는 실천적 전도방안을 제시하였다.

Introduction Globalization not only increases human mobility, but changes the relationship between international migrants and their country of origin. With improved transportation systems and new technologies, migrants can stay connected to their homeland in multiple ways. In the past, it was costly and time-consuming for migrants to "keep in touch" with their homeland. Thus, the ability to assimilate into the culture and lifestyle of the mainstream society was important (Alba & Nee, 2003; Portes & Zhou, 1993). At the same time, migrants and minority groups also form ethnic enclaves (e.g., Chinatown, Little Italy) where they can maintain the culture and traditions of "home" and preserve a part of their cultural identity (Portes & Manning, 1986). Contemporary migrants, however, live in a transnational social field (Louie, 2006). They can easily communicate with their friends and family back home. Even if they reside in rural areas, most goods from the old country can be found in the new country. Migrants can shop online for the groceries, books, fashion, beauty products, kitchenware, etc. from their homeland. They can listen to hit songs in their native language, keep up with the major news events, follow the newest TV series, cheer for their favorite sports teams, watch live election results, and more—almost as if they have never left. Traveling back to the homeland is one important way for migrants to main transnational ties (Haller & Landolt, 2005). This type of travel is commonly known as diaspora tourism (Coles & Timothy, 2004), VFR tourism (Uriely, 2010), and roots tourism (Maruyama & Stronza, 2010). Migrants may visit the homeland for various reasons, including: leisure, business, local food, culture and heritage, quest, retain ties, finding oneself, roots-seeking, personal identity, connection with place, obligation to ancestors, recovery of social identity, and family togetherness (Kluin & Lehtom, 2012; Li & McKercher, 2016; Murdy, Alexander, & Bryce, 2018; Ray & McCain, 2012). Given that contemporary migrants can engage in transnational practices in the host society, and take part in various types of leisure activities that are related to the culture and lifestyle of "home," the question is: do migrants still feel the need to visit the homeland in person? Or since everything is readily available, they do not need to go back as often as before. On one hand, participating in transnational leisure activities may strengthen their attachment to the homeland and increase their longing to return. On the other hand, the accessibility of homeland goods, services, culture, and relationships through global networks may decrease the desire and frequency of traveling back to the homeland. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between transnational leisure activities and motivation to visit the homeland. Specifically, do migrants‘ transnational leisure participation and involvement influence their diaspora tourism motivation? Literature Review Transnationalism refers to the interconnected lifestyle and social experience of immigrants maintaining multiple ties with their home and host societies (Basch, Glick-Schiller, & Blanc, 1994). Transnationalism could be sustained through different types of activities, including economic, political, social, familial, religious, and cultural activities. Although leisure activities have not been a focus of transnationalism research, some cultural transnational practices overlap with leisure activities. The Immigration and Intergenerational Mobility in Metropolitan Los Angeles study (IIMMLA) found that 8.1% of second-generation immigrants participated in organizations associated with their parents‘ country of birth, and 48.7% watched TV or listened to the radio in their parents‘ language at least once a week or more (Rumbaut et al., 2008). The Immigrant Second Generation in New York study (ISGNY) revealed that ethnic music is very important to West Indian immigrants, and they listened to more ethnic music. Chinese-Americans, however, might listen to some Cantonese pop, but usually not traditional Chinese music (Kasinitz et al., 2008). Within leisure research, most studies on the leisure activities of immigrants employ the theory of acculturation. The focus was not on transnational leisure, but on immigrants‘ leisure participation within the mainstream culture of the host society. Many studies examined the effect of acculturation on immigrant leisure, be it participation, perceived benefits, motivations, or constraints. Floyd and Gramann (1993) compared Mexican- and Anglo-Americans to determine if the former‘s outdoor activity patterns and site visitation would be similar to the latter, based on different levels of structural assimilation. Shaull and Gramann (1998) also examined Hispanic- and Anglo-Americans to determine the impact of cultural assimilation on one‘s perceived benefits of outdoor recreation. They found a strong Anglo-conformity pattern in Hispanic-Americans‘ perception of nature-related benefits, while family-related benefits were less prone to the impact of cultural assimilation. Another study by Walker, Deng, and Dieser (2001) compared the motivations of Chinese-Canadians and Euro-North Americans for outdoor recreation. Their findings indicated that acculturation influenced the recreation motivation of Chinese-Canadians, both directly and indirectly through self-construal. The relationship between acculturation and leisure was also examined in Yu and Berryman‘s study (1996) on immigrant adolescents, which revealed a positive relationship between acculturation and recreational activities, and a negative relationship between acculturation and perceived barriers. A similar relationship was found in Scott, Lee, Lee and Kim‘s (2006) study of Korean migrants. They identified some constraints (i.e., lack of English proficiency and fear of discrimination) that varied by one‘s level of acculturation, while the biggest constraint, time, was not influenced by acculturation. Stodolska and Santos (2006) were the first to propose the concept of "transnational leisure," and they defined it as "leisure that is maintained by transnational migrants to foster their ties with their countries and communities of origin" (p. 162). Huang, Norman, Ramshaw, and Haller (2015) identified different types of transnational leisure activities by second-generation Chinese-Americans, and categorized them into four types: ethnic events and festivals, ethnic social clubs and organizations, ethnic media and pop culture, and Internet-based activities. As these previous studies were qualitative in nature, there is a need for more quantitative research so as to compare and identify different patterns of transnational leisure (e.g., level of involvement, frequency of participation) and examine how transnational leisure relate to other variables. Methods This study aims to examine the transnational leisure involvement and travel motivation of diaspora tourists. Specifically, overseas Chinese residing in North America (i.e., the USA and Canada) was selected as the target population. The service of a reputable and reliable international online survey company was obtained to reach out to this specific population of interest. Data collection took place from December 2016 to January 2017. A total of 808 responses were gathered. A questionnaire was developed based on previous literature. A list of transnational leisure activities with 19 items was developed based on the work of Huang et al. (2015). The transnational leisure involvement scale was adapted from the works of Kyle, Graefe, Manning, and Bacon (2003) and Kyle, Bricker, Graefe, and Wickham (2004). The scale consists of 14 items and three dimensions: Attraction, Centrality, and Self-expression. As there are many types of transnational leisure activities, respondents were first asked to go through the list and indicate their frequency of participation in each activity. Next, they were asked to think about "these activities" as they answered the leisure involvement scale. The measures for diaspora tourism motivation was developed based on Poria and colleagues‘ scale for heritage tourism motivation (2004; 2006a; 2006b), Kluin and Lehto‘s (2012) scale for family reunion travel motivations, and Li and McKercher‘s (2016) qualitative study on diaspora tourists. The last section of the questionnaire will be used to collect demographic information. Findings EFA was conducted to explore if transnational leisure activities can be categorized into different types. Three items were removed due to double loading (i.e., Sing Chinese songs in the karaoke, Online shopping for Chinese/Asian items, and Connect with friends and relatives in China through social media). Factor 1 consisted of 3 items that are basic common activities in migrant life, and was labeled "Basic" transnational leisure (i.e., Eat Chinese food, Shop for Chinese/Asian groceries, and Celebrate Chinese holidays). Factor 2 consisted of 7 items that are related to pop culture and internet-based leisure activities, and was labeled "Media-based" transnational leisure (e.g., Listen to Chinese songs and music, Watch Chinese drama, Visit websites related to Chinese or Chinese-American culture, and Read/watch the news related to China). Contrary to the individualistic nature of the activities in Factor 2, Factor 3 consisted of 6 items that are more likely to be group activities, and related to social clubs events and activities (e.g., Attend events hosted by Chinese ethnic organizations, Participate in Chinese cultural activities, Play Chinese board or card games, Attend Chinese concerts/performances, and Follow Chinese/Chinese-American sports players or teams). Thus, Factor 3 was labeled "Event-based" transnational leisure. Respondents‘ participation in these activities was measured on a 5-point scale of frequency, from 1=Never to 5=Always/Everyday. Overall, "Basic" transnational leisure received the highest mean score (M=3.82), while the means for "Media-based" (M=2.86) and "Event-based" activities (M=2.62) were lower. Although the mean scores in Factor 2 and 3 were not high, it should be noted that the nature of these activities are different. Chinese migrants can "Eat Chinese food" every day, but they cannot "Attending Chinese concerts" every day. Therefore, the mean scores for "Event-based" activities were the lowest. Moreover, ANOVA was conducted to compare five migrant generation groups (e.g., first-generation migrants who were born in the old country and relocated to a new country and second-generation migrants are native-born in the new country). The second generation had the lowest level of participation, while the first generation and 4+ generation had the highest level of participation in most types of transnational leisure activities. Correlation analyses further revealed that the frequency of "Media-based" activities and "Event-based" activities were positively correlated to the number of homeland trips, while the relationship between "Basic" transnational leisure and number of homeland trips was not statistically significant. Lastly, CFA was conducted to confirm the underlying dimensions of Transnational Leisure Involvement: Attraction (6 items), Centrality (4 items), and Self-expression (4 items). EFA was conducted to identify the dimensions of diaspora tourism motivation. The 11 items loaded on one of two factors: Chinese Culture (6 items) and Family Heritage (5 items). Multiple regression analyses were conducted, with the three dimensions of transnational leisure involvement as independent variables, and the two dimensions of diaspora tourism motivation as dependent variables. It was found that Attraction and Centrality would influence respondents‘ motivation for Chinese Culture, while Attraction, Centrality, and Self-expression would influence respondents‘ motivation for Personal Heritage. Discussion Results showed that transnational leisure involvement is useful in understanding the activity patterns of different migrant generations. Specifically, the relationships between transnational involvement and diaspora tourism motivation were consistently positive, which provides an effective means of segmenting diaspora tourists. Transnational leisure activities are good opportunities for homeland destinations to connect with diaspora tourists prior to their travel. Other than direct promotional activities, transnational leisure provides an alternative way to increase diaspora tourists‘ level of engagement and frequency of travel to the homeland.

한국사회에 정착하는 북한이주주민들은 대체로 기독교에 대하여 호의적인 시각을 가지고 있다. 그러나 이들이 실제로 한국교회에 적응 하는 것은 쉽지 않으며, 교회를 다니는 북한이주주민들의 비율도 지속 적으로 줄고 있는 상황이다. 본 연구는 심층 인터뷰를 통하여 북한이주 주민들의 부정적인 한국교회 경험들을 정리하고 분석하였다. 인터뷰에 따르면, 북한이주주민들에게 교회는 부담스러운 곳으로 인식될 때가 많으며, 기독교의 가르침은 낯설고 이해하기 어려운 것으로 나타났다. 이는 한국교회의 문화상대주의적인 시각의 결핍과 북한이주주민에 대한 도구적 접근, 비대칭적인 관계 설정 등의 문제에서 기인한다. 이에 본 연구는 한국교회의 북한이주주민들을 향한 선교사역이 하나님 의 환대에 기초하여 재구성되어야 함을 주장하였다. 성급하게 북한이주 주민들을 변화시키려 하기 보다는 그들의 고유한 정체성과 독특한 문화를 있는 그대로 받아들이면서 복음을 소통하는 환대의 선교를 통하여 믿음의 공동체를 함께 세워가야 하는 것이다.

In a context of unprecedented migration home reaches high relevance. This study aims at understanding the (re-)construction of home by first generation consumer migrants. The findings provide insights into consumers’ (re-)construction of various dimensions of home and identify “inner home” as a new dimension in the context of consumer migration.

Over the last decade, 350,000 people have moved from Mongolia’s countryside to the suburbs of its capital, Ulaanbaatar, where they live in abject poverty despite the rapid economic development of the country. This article proposes three complementary international legal analyses of this internal migration. First, because this migration is partly and indirectly induced by the adverse impacts of climate change, States have a common but differentiated responsibility to assist the Mongolian government to address climate migration. Second, Mongolia should bear its own responsibilities to take steps to realize the social and economic rights of its population without discrimination. Third, Mongolia’s commercial partners should be warned against any control or influence that would cause harm to Mongolia, in application to public international law on State responsibility and to States’ extraterritorial human rights obligations. While each narrative reveals an important dimension of a complex phenomenon, this article argues that all policy levers must urgently be pulled to guarantee the rights of Mongolia’s internal migrants.

This articles is to represent a application of ‘A Migrants Mission of Korea Church’ to ‘Multicultural Society in Korean churches’ as a strategy of balanced church responsibility in the aspect of a ‘Migrant Mission.’ I mention that biblical perspective and analysis about a migrant based on Old Testament and New Testament. I appear that an migrant kinds and situation in Korea society. This study builds on a direction of missiological strategy and method in multicultural society. I suggest that mission strategies in Korea Churches should be request toward a migrant in Korea society. First, Migrant mission strategy would play positive roles in making their works maintain the identity and trait of Christian gospel in works of Multiculture missions which stress on social responsibility and then suggest concrete and modified alternatives for evangelism. Second, Korea churches can works wholistic mission for them; such as NGO service, medical service, family counseling, educational supports, and human rights. Third, Korea churches support and build on migrant churches, so they want to have themselves worship service, bible study in migrant churches. Fourth, We have could be connect with Social Welfare, Churches, Government, NGO Network, and Schools toward Migrant life and welfare.

본 연구는 호주에 거주하고 있는 청년기 해외 이주자를 대상으로 이들이 경험하는 문화 적응 ‘과정’을 탐색함으로써 청년기 해외 이주자의 심리적 특징 및 적응 경험을 이해하고, 이를 통해 다양한 형태로 증가하고 있는 해외 이주민 및 본국으로 들어오는 이주민의 적응 과정에 대해 효율적으로 개입할 수 있는 방안을 모색하는 데 목적을 두었다. 본 연구에서 나타난 호주 이주민의 적응 요소의 중심에는 ‘생애 발달’이라는 키워드가 자리 잡고 있었 다. 교육, 환경, 문화, 제도적인 측면에서 이주자들의 적응에 영향을 미쳤으며, 적응과정에 서 새로운 문화정체성을 획득할 수 있는 기회를 만들어주었다. 미래를 스스로 결정하고 변화가능성이 높은 20-30대 연구참여자들의 적응 요인으로는 ‘문화 충돌’, ‘다름에 대한 대처’, ‘인식의 전환’으로 나타났으며 연구참여자들의 적응과정 단계로는 진입: 학창시절, 전환: 사 춘기, 순환: 사회인으로서의 청년기 호주 이주자의 변화양상이 도출되었다. 본 연구는 청년 기 이주자에 집중하여 문화적응 과정을 분석하였으며 생애주기적 관점에서 접근하여 두 문화 접촉이 또래관계, 진로, 놀이문화 등 청년의 시기에 겪게 되는 경험들에 미치는 영향과 나아가 정체성을 구현해나가는 과정을 드러내고자 하였다.

이 글은 제주지역에 거주하는 여성결혼이민자를 대상으로 제주 방언으로 제작된 TV 드라마를 활용하여 제주 방언 교육과 문화 교육을 통합할 수 있는 방안을 살펴보고자 하였다. 드라마 ‘멩질 먹게 저 오라’는 모든 대사를 제주 방언으로 구사하고 있고, 등장인물은 여성결혼이민자가 늘상 만나는 친근한 인물들로 설정되었다. 이러한 설정은 여성결혼이민자가 드라마를 학습 도구로 활용할 때 큰 거부감이나 어려움 없이 드라마의 내용을 받아들이는 장치로 작용할 것이다. 이 드라마의 모든 대사에는 표준어 자막이 사용되었다. 이는 여성결혼이민자가 제주 방언을 제대로 알아듣지 못한다고 해도 드라마의 내용을 이해하는 데에 문제가 없다는 점을 내포한다. 오히려 이 자료로 교육이 제대로만 이루어진다면 표준어와 방언 교육의 효과를 동시에 거두고 아울러 제주 지역민의 사유 체계를 담아내는 문화까지 학습하여 일석삼조의 효과를 볼 수 있을 것이라고 생각된다. 드라마 ‘멩질 먹게 저 오라’로 여성결혼이민자의 표준어 교육과 동시에 제주 방언 교육이 이루어진다면 제주지역에 거주하고 있는 여성 결혼이민자들의 의사소통의 장애를 조금이나마 해결할 수 있을 것이 다. 또한 문화 교육의 측면에서도 제주만의 독특한 문화를 제대로 담아내고 있는 이 드라마를 자료로 활용한다면 여성결혼이민자가 제주 사회에서 하나의 구성원으로 적응하는 데에 도움이 되리라 판단하여 ‘멩질 먹게 저 오라’를 활용한 언어ㆍ문화 교육 방법을 모색해보았다.

이 연구의 목적은 한국사회의 다문화교육 확산 과정에서 어떠한 이슈가 우선적으로 강조되어야 하는지 제시하는 것이다. 이를 위해 한국에 이주하여 비교적 장기간 체류하며 다문화 교육 관련 활동을 하고 있는 다양한 국가 출신 이주민 10명과 심층면담을 실시하였다. 이들의 입장에서 시급하다고 생각하는 다문화교육의 주요 이슈는 무엇인지 이들의 경험과 현재 한국 사회의 다문화 교육 논의와 관련지어 살펴보고자 하였다. 먼저, 이주민 배경과 관련하여 한국인들이 갖고 있는 편견이나 고정관념이 개선되어야 하며, 이주민들과의 상호작용 과정에서 타문화에 대한 관심이나 호기심에 대한 적절한 표현 방법, 개별 접촉 과정에서 지켜야 할 태도 교육이 필요하다. 그리고 일반적으로 다문화교육을 통해 강조되고 있는 문화간 차이나 다양한 문화에 대한 소개보다는 인간으로서 존중받아야 하는 보편적인 권리에 대한 교육이 우선시 되어야 함을 알 수 있었다. 또한 이주민들은 한국사회에 이주하여 정착하는 과정에서 일방적인 동화의 대상이 아닌 실천하는 주체로서 이해되어야 한다. 결국, 타문화 소개나 이주민 적응 지원 위주의 다문화교육 내용에 앞서 이주민과의 상호작용 과정에 대한 교육, 보편적 권리 존중, 이주민 개인의 실천 과정에 대한 이해 교육 등이 우선되어야 할 것이다.