본고는 『現代漢語詞典』(第7版)에 보이는 ‘自+X’, ‘X+自’ 구조 중 동사로만 표시된 어휘를 추출하고 목록화하여 분류한 후 그 형태·통사적 특징을 규명하고 있다. 첫째, ‘自’가 조응사성으로 기능하는 경우인데, ‘X’가 타동사로 쓰인 ‘自+X’ 구조에서만 나 타난다. ‘自’는 재귀대명사로서 ‘X’ 뒤에서 대상역(theme role)의 동일 지표화 흔적만 남기고, 동시에 ‘X’ 앞에서 대상역으로서 조응사성 역할을 하면서 주어로 올 어구(語句)와 동일 지표화한다. 이것은 ‘自’가 분산형태적 모습으로 통사적 연산의 예비적 가능성을 내포하고서 ‘自+X’가 내현적 통합합성어를 형성함을 보여 준다. 둘째, ‘自’가 조응사성이 아닌 경우로 ‘自+X’, ‘X+自’ 구조에서 모두 나타난다. 이때의 ‘自+X’는 ‘自’가 대명사이면서 통사 층위에서 앞에 올 주어와 동격이거나 내부적인 부사어 역할을 한다. ‘X+自’는 ‘来自’, ‘出自’가 있는데, 이전에 어구였던 것이 『現代漢語詞典』 제6판부터 한 낱말이 되었다. 이들은 모두 동일 지표화 과정을 거치지 않고 뒤에 목적어를 가질 통사적 가능성을 띠면서 내현적 통합합성어를 형성한다. 결론적으로 현대 중국어 동사 ‘自+X’, ‘X+自’ 구조는 내현적 통합합성어를 형성하여 분산형태적 형태·통사 특징을 보여 주고 있다.

한국어 접속문에서 두 절을 연결시켜 주는 중요한 요소는 연결어미이며, 연결어미를 통해서 두 절의 상 호관계가 드러난다. 반면에 중국어의 접속문은 주로 관련 사어를 이용하여 두 절을 연결한다. 중국어의 관련 사어는 연사와 관련부사의 결합형식으로 한국어의 연결어미와 같은 기능을 담당한다. 이러한 언어 적 특성의 차이로 인해 중국인 학습자가 한국어를 배울 때에 연결어미를 학습하는 것은 특히 어렵고, 많은 오류가 발생하게 된다. 양보 연결어미의 사용 빈도가 비교적 높고 각 항목은 특징에 있어 차이가 존 재한다. 그렇기 때문에 학습자들이 각 항목의 통사적 특징을 모두 파악하여 습득하는 것은 쉽지 않다. 그래서 본 논문의 목적은 중국어권 학습자 위한 한국어 양보관계 연결어미 ‘-아/어도’, ‘-더라도’, ‘-ㄹ 지라도’, ‘-ㄹ망정’, ‘-ㄹ지언정’, ‘-ㄴ들’을 중심으로 통사적 특징을 살펴본다. 본 논문의 목표는 한국어 양보관계 연결어미의 통사적 특징을 정확히 파악하게 할 수 있고, 문법 요소 사용 능력을 향상시킬 수 있다는 점에서 의미가 있다.

한국어 정도부사 ‘좀’은 피수식어의 정도를 약화시킨다는 점에서 대표적이며 중국어 정도부사 ‘有點兒’과 통사적으로 비슷한 점이 많다. 본고에서는 한국어 ‘좀’을 기준으로 중국어 ‘有點兒’과 대조하여 그 통사적 특성을 피수식어의 범주에 따라 피수식어와 공기할 때의 수식제약을 중심으로 살펴보고 그 차이를 밝히고자 했다. 그 결과를 종합하면 ① ‘좀’은 형용사와 제약 없이 공기할 수 있지만 ‘有點兒’은 상태 형용사를 수식할 수 없다. ② ‘좀’은 일반적으로 일부 성상 관형사만을 수식하며 이런 성상 관형사는 중국어에서는 형용사로 표현된다. ③ 정도부사 ‘좀’은 일부 부사만 수식할 수 있으나 ‘有點兒’은 부정부사와 제한된 시간부사를 빼고 다른 부사와 거의 공기할 수 없다. ④ 체언의 수식에서 정도성을 나타내는 명사일 경우 ‘좀’은 ‘명사구+이다’의 형식과 같은 지정사 구를 수식할 수 있다. 중국어에서 원칙적으로 정도부사는 직접 명사를 수식할 수 없지만 어휘 의미가 전환된 결과로 ‘정도부사+명사’의 구조가 많이 사용되고 있는 추세이다. ⑤ 일부 동사도 ‘좀’의 수식대상이 된다. 이럴 경우 중국어에서 ‘동사+得+有點兒+형용사’의 형식으로 표현되면 더 자연스럽다.

The present study aims to investigate the effects of the intonations on the syntactic interpretation of the interrogatives with a wh-expression in the Daegu-North Gyeongsang Korean and the Seoul metropolitan Korean. To this end, it analyzes the syntactic and prosodic structures of the interrogatives with an embedded wh-clause or a yes/no-question with an indefinite pronoun. Two types of perception tests, one with unmodified intonations and the other with transplanted intonations, were carried out to analyze the respondents’ interpretations of the three types of the interrogatives. The results of the test with unmodified intonations were as follows. First, more than 90% of the respondents chose appropriate answers to the three types of the wh-interrogatives with no statistically significant differences. Second, the respondents’ reaction times demonstrated with statistically significant differences that the processing load of wh-questions with matrix scope was heavier than that of wh questions with narrow scope or yes-no questions with an indefinite pronoun. Third, embedding verbs of the question-selecting predicate class such as gunggeumhada ‘wonder’ led to longer reaction time than those of the proposition-selecting predicate class such as saenggakada ‘think’. In addition, the results of the perception test with transplanted prosodies revealed two decisive factors. First, the interrogative-endings -ka/na were more influential factors in the respondents’ syntactic interpretations of wh-questions than the other endings such as –ko/no or the prosodies were. Second, wh-questions with such embedding verbs as saenggakada ‘think’ were interpreted in close accordance with the transplanted prosodic structures, but not so much so in the case of wh-questions with such embedding verbs as gunggeumhada ‘wonder’ irrespective of the prosody transplants.

Hyeree Kim. 2017. Syntactic Variation of Wh-Clefts and the Complexity Principle: A Corpus Study. Studies in Modern Grammar 95, 37-54. This study examines variable usage between to-infinitives and bare-infinitives in wh-cleft sentences in English. There are a number of previous studies dealing with either formal and functional analyses or regional and stylistic variation of wh-clefts. This study, however, attempts to find underlying factors determining the distribution of the two alternatives and investigates whether the so-called ‘complexity principle’ proposed by Rohdenburg (1998, 2000) is valid. Mair and Winkle (2012) used ten ICE corpora as an attempt to verify two out of four hypotheses of Rohdenburg’s principle. Although their findings partially supported Rohdenburg’s claims, the paucity of data turned out to neither prove nor disprove them. This study uses a much larger corpus, the COCA (Corpus of Contemporary American English), and shows that all four hypotheses of the complexity principle are valid: that is, the to-infinitive is more likely to occur, (i) if do is in more complex forms (did, done, doing) rather than in the simple present forms (do, does), (ii) if some elements intervene between do and be, (iii) if be is in the past tense (was) rather than in the simple present tense (is), or (iv) if be occurs in complex forms (e.g. will be, would be) rather than in the simple present or past forms (is, was). Furthermore, this study proposes and justifies a new hypothesis for the complexity principle: that is, the to-infinitive is more likely to occur, (v) if the intervening material between what and do are more complex (or lengthy).

Achievement of an intended goal can be cancelled even after it is apparently asserted. One type of challenge to telicity is the phenomenon of event cancellation. The telic interpretation and event cancellation are mutually exclusive in the morphological causative construction and the causative cwu-construction, which provides a way to verify that the morphological causative verb may be interchangeable with the causative verb cwu on v without any meaning change. The terminal node v is split into two pieces (i.e., the verbalizing v with the causative feature and (a/e)cwu with the benefactive feature, which is known as "fission" within Distributed Morphology (Halle 1997, Noyer 1997). However, the morphological causative verb interchangeable with the causative verb cwu on v cannot appear with the benefactive suffix verb (a/e) cwu on v since the two phonologically identical verbs are ruled out by the filter *cwu-cwu at PF. At this point, the lexical verb on V cannot undergo raising to the causative morpheme on v to obey the constraint.

This paper discusses the depictive secondary predicate's movement in Spanish secondary predication construction. In Spanish, depictive secondary predicates can move to the position in between the main verb and the direct object. Moreover, the depictive secondary predicate's wh-movement and the subextraction from a secondary predicate phrase are also possible. To explain this phenomenon, I suggest a parallel merge in the course of derivation of depictive secondary predicate. I propose that the secondary predicate is not analyzed any more as an adjunct in the structure in which two syntactic objects that represent primary predication and secondary predication are merged in parallel. Based on this derivational structure, I argue that a phase can be extended by means of V-to-T movement and a secondary predicate can move to the edge of an extended phase escaping PrP category. However, English secondary predicate's focus movement and its wh-movement are not acceptable. I claim that the parametric variation captured in two languages is due to phase head's movement and a phase extension.

There are many types of constructions in languages. And two approaches are proposed to explain these constructions. The one is rule-based approach, and the other is non-rule-base approach, for example Construction Grammar. Adopting former approach, this paper proposes that a syntactic variation can be the cause of construction formation. To clarify this idea, constructions are grouped into three types: a normal construction type, a quasi normal construction type, and a non-normal construction type. In these cases, ‘normal’ means ‘rule obeying’ or ‘can be formed by rules’. Furthermore, three Korean constructions, such as verbal reduplication construction, ‘geoss-i-da’ construction, and embedded conjunction construction, are examined to check the main proposal.

This study aims to analyze Spanish mirativity construction. Mirativity refers to the linguistic marking of an utterance that represents an information which is new or unexpected to the speaker. Therefore, mirative constructions show the speaker's emotional state, that is to say, surprise. There are many means that could express speaker's surprise, such as exclamatory expressions, admirative tone, etc. However, in this paper I attempt to investigate the existence in Spanish of a mirative form that could be recognized as a grammatical category. In Korean, there is a modal suffix, for example, ‘-ne’, ‘-gun(a)’, which expresses surprise and new information. In Spanish, the verbal past tense and perfect aspect, such as imperfect, present perfect, pluperfect, could be used to represent mirativity in the present. I argue that Spanish tense and aspect should be recognized as a grammatical category that express mirativity. Furthermore, I attempt to analyze a derivational process of the mirative constructions comparing with the exclamative constructions.

Languages have various ways of linking between the subject and the predicate. In many languages, the copular verb is the principal way of linking, though this is not the universally the case. Some appear in the form of suffixes and others in the form of words. One of the purposes of the study is to show the various ways of linking among languages with some examples. Another purpose is to show that there are many instances of zero (phonologically null) copula constructions cross-linguistically. The last purpose is to provide syntactic, semantic and pragmatic explanation for the zero copula constructions. We will argue that the dichotomy of stage-level and individual level predicates plays the core role for the zero copula constructions.

The primary purpose of this paper is to show the syntactic structure of reduplicative copula is is constructions found in recent speeches. Perhaps it should be regarded as a pleonasm, a kind of repetition. But the advantage of analyzing it from the perspective of syntax becomes clear when we derive the structure based on recent syntactic assumptions. The non-standard structure of pseudo-cleft structure, whP is is that ... can be interpreted as being the product of unpacking the topic phrase in C-domain, while leaving the focus phrase in vP domain. The linking of the two phrases is manifested by the reduplication of BE, the first one being the Case marker, the second one being the focus marker inserted late.

Recent studies on sentence processing show that late learners of a second or foreign language, those who begin learning after puberty, differ from native speakers (and early L2 learners) as to how they comprehend complex sentences in real time. One construction in which this difference has been discovered is in the processing of non-local dependencies where constituents are displaced, such as in sentences containing wh-dependencies: The nurse who the doctor argued that the rude patient had angered ___ is refusing to work late. This paper presents a brief overview of recent findings investigating this issue. To this end, differences and similarities between L1 and L2 speakers in employing lexical and syntactic information to resolve these types of dependencies are discussed. In particular, the L2 learners appear to associate the fronted wh-phrase directly with its lexical subcategoriser, without postulating an intermediate gap position. Our result is argued to render support to the hypothesis that L2 learners under-use syntactic information in L2 processing, which causes them difficulty in processing the L2 input in a native-like fashion.

Park Boon-Joo. 1999. The Syntactic Category of Small Clause. Studies in Modern Grammar 16, 181-198. This paper shows briefly some kinds of small clause syntactic categories that is, S category in Chomsky (1981) and Rothestein (1983), S` category in Kitagawa (1985), INFL` category in Homtstein & Lightfoot (1987), IP category and PrP category in Bowerss (1993). Among these I take the PrP category of Bowers (1993) and show the advantages and evidences of this category. The advantages of this category are i) it gives the uniform structural definition to the definition of external argument and predication relation for the SC and main clause. ii) it solves the problem of finding an appropriate dominating node for SC constructions within the framework of X-bar theory. iii) it can make keep the uniform in X` theory. iv) it solves the `as` in SC. And this category has evidences in coordination structure and the positions of adverbs. Finally I try to find Korean small clauses and analyse according to the types of predicates to clarify the syntactic and semantic properties different from English SC. I include these properties and applied PrP category to Korean SC.