이 글은 한국전쟁이 한국 개신교 교회에 준 영향을 규명하고, 이러한 규명을 바탕으로 한국 개신교 교회의 평화선교 과제를 제시하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 이 연구의 범위는 한국전쟁이 한국 개신교 교회에 준 영향이다. 이 연구의 방법론은 문헌 연구와 메츠(J. B. Metz)의 위험스러운 기억과 역사의 주체로서의 희생자이다. 희생자의 입장에서 한국전쟁의 결과를 제시한다. 한국 개신교가 한국전쟁으로부터 받은 영향으로 교회 재건과 국가 재건, 개신교 교회의 구조와 성격, 개신교와 국가의 관계, 교회분열과 사이비이단 발흥 등을 다룬다. 한국전쟁의 영향을 받은 한국 개신교의 특징으로 친미반공 이데올로기의 보루, 기복적 신앙, 신학적 성찰 없는 교회성장주의, 교회와 국가의 관계, 개신교 우파의 등장과 정치참여, 신학적 영향을 제시한다. 한국 개신교의 평화선교 과제로 죄고백, 회심, 전쟁 기억 치유를 통한 민족화해, 민간인 학살 진상규명, 올바른 한일관계 수립, 희년을 이루는 교회 10년, 베트남 민간인 학살 진상규명과 사과, 평화신학과 평화선교신학 수립, 평화교육, 민족의 코이노니아, 군축과 평화체제로의 전환 등을 제시한다.

한국 사회에 미투 운동(Me Too Movement)은 사회적 약자인 여성에 대하여 사회 전반에 반성을 이끌었다. 그동안 한국의 전통 사회는 유교 전통의 강한 가부장 주의적인 성격으로 여성을 억압해왔고, 여성은 시대에 종속된 모습으로 기능적인 역할을 수행해왔다. 한국 사회에 개신교는 여성을 거듭난 존재와 새로워진 정체성을 가지게 하여 시대를 주도하는 존재로 인식시켰다. 초기 한국 교회의 여성들은 개인적 차원을 초월하여 타자에 대한 책임을 지고 한국 사회를 치유하려 는 선교의 길을 걸었다. 그러나 여성들은 근본주의적인 교회 안에서 차별을 기억하고 경험하였다. 한국 개신교 여성은 그들만의 유연함으로 한국 교회의 경직된 문화를 품고 있었다. 결국, 그들은 이 시대의 사명을 가지고 억압과 차별이 만연한 사회를 변화시켜가고 있던 것이 다. 또한 부당한 처우에도 이 시대를 품고 보듬어 가는 여성들의 사랑은 한국 개신교 역사에 존재하는 그들의 인내와 헌신을 통하여 갈등과 차별을 초월한 모습이 드러났다.

본 연구는 일본과 한국에서 기독교의 수용과 발전에 대조적 유형이 존재하는 것에 주목하여 이 두 이웃 나라에서 개신교와 일반 대중의 종교성을 비교함으로써 동아시아의 ‘종교성’ 논의에 기여하고자 한다. 한국의 경우 근대화의 정신과 개신교 양자가 결합한 것이 중상층(‘엘리트 종교성’)에게 매력을 준 반면에, 고대로부터 내려오는 한국적 종교성(무속신앙)과 오순절 성령운동 기독교의 결합은 중하층(‘대중 종교성’)에게 한층 매력적인 것이었다. 보수적 개신교(장로교 혹은 순복음교단)와 무속신앙(민속 종교의 실천) 양자의 관계가 자연스러운 한국에서 신약성서의 축사(귀신쫓기)와 치병의 행위를 강조하는 기독교의 성령운동적 형태가 괄목할 만한 성장을 이루었다. 이와 대조적으로 일본의 경우 민속 종교와 무속신앙을 믿는 일반 대중은 천리교, 금광교, 창가학회 같은 이른바 ‘신종교’에 이끌렸다. 특히 1960년 이래 이 신종교들은 치병은 물론 가난에 대한 해결 방안을 제공하였다. 일본의 상황에서 기독교는 사무라이(무사) 계급을 주로 개종시켰는데, 이들은 여전히 유교적 에토스(‘엘리트 종교성’)를 놓지 않았다. 이로부터 기독교는 주로 일본 사회의 교육받은 ‘상류’ 계층의 사람들로부터만 계속적인 지지를 받고 있다.

South Korea is a regional Protestant superpower with a successful mission history. It has the largest Christian congregation in the world: Yoido Full Gospel Church built by Paul Yonggi Cho. As of 2009, it dispatched more than 20,000 missionaries abroad. However since the 1988 Seoul Olympic Games and the breakdown of the Cold War in 1991, evangelical Protestantism in the country has been steadily declining. Moreover, its social credence is continuously lowering as a result of controversy such as hereditary transmission of pastors, clergy’s sex scandals, financial dishonesty, and privatization of the church. Because of this, Protestant Christianity in South Korea is in some real sense viewed as controversial. The purpose of this paper is to examine the sociocultural change in South Korea in the midst of neoliberal globalization in order to build the socalled ‘missional church,’ a collection of missional believers acting in concert together in fulfillment of the missio dei. The‘missional church’ is faith communities willing and ready to be Christ’s people in their own situation and place. The paper consists of the following sections. The introduction focuses on the emergence of the ‘missional church’ along side with the recent crisis of Korean Protestant Christianity. The first section describes some new cultural trends propelled by globalization. The second section explores sociocultural changes within present South Korea from the sociological perspective of mission: (1) from collectivism to individualism, (2) from ‘regulation society’ via ‘task society’ to ‘fatigue society.’ The third section investigates the outer situation of the ‘missional church’: (1) class disparity, (2) change in demography and family, (3) emergence of ‘N (net) generation.’ The conclusion provides some suggestions including ‘progressive Pentecostalism’ (in Donald Miller’s words) for building the ‘missional church’ within contemporary Korean society under the turbulence and division in terms of ideology, region, class and generation.

The purpose of this study is to discern and describe the different church planting models in the development of the Korean Protestant church. The historical range of this study is from 1885, when the first Protestant missionaries entered Korea, to 1945, when the Japanese colonial rule ended. The Korean Protestant Christians were enthused in evangelizing and establishing churches during political turbulence. They showed seven different models of church planting, even if they did not recognize them back then as we do today through strategic dimensions. During this period, many churches were established by spontaneous evangelism. Since 1903, revivals became a strong catalyst for church planting, stimulating the evangelistic activities of believers. These models revealed the significance of the work of the Holy Spirit and the evangelistic passion of believers in church planting. Furthermore, the Korean Protestant Church used strategic methods to counteract the randomness of spontaneous evangelism. The Holiness Evangelical Church especially focused on dispatching professional evangelists to strategic locations. This method was much useful to some groups despite its difference from the Nevius Plan which emphasized not paying workers' salaries. Many Korean churches were planted by seminary students and largescale evangelism. Some models of church planting by the Korean Church, such as church planting by holistic ministries and hiving off through revivals, can be evaluated as exemplary models in the present. Through holistic methods, some medical missionaries established new churches in their infirmary where they looked after poor patients. This brings to our attention how important incarnational ministry is in local community missions. Many new churches were planted due to revivals resulting in the mother church exceeding maximum capacity. This model is missional in that it rejects egoistic growth of individual churches and values God’s mission.

Animism was prevalent among people when Protestant missionaries first came to Korea. Since then, Protestant mission brought in great results among Koreans characterized by worshipping spiritual beings. Therefore, by examining the conversion pattern carefully in the materials written by missionaries as well as Korean Christians, one can easily find the significance of “power encounter”. Korean animists are very conscious of “power,” which is believed to be located in the spiritual beings, i.e. gods, ancestors and ghosts. Korean animists believe that the world is populated with lots of spiritual beings surrounding their environment. They not only have lots of traditions related to spiritual beings, but also serve many spirits in homes as well as in their villages. They are afraid of the spiritual beings and try to have good relationships with them. They also believe that anger or jealousy from the spiritual beings cause their everyday calamities. To overcome the problems, they either have to propitiate the spiritual beings with food or materials or coerce them through more powerful spiritual beings. In this context of spirit worship, the Gospel was very difficult to be accepted wholeheartedly by Korean animists. When they thought about accepting the Gospel, they had to deal with the retaliation from the spiritual beings they had formerly served. To accept Christ, they had to confront those spiritual beings. As soon as they accepted the Gospel, the title of the spiritual beings became negative such as “Satan” or “devil”. So they burnt fetishes like clothes, potteries, papers which were considered as the locations where the spiritual beings reside. Burning those fetishes terrorized lots of people who gathered around. Those who accepted the Gospel through such confrontation initially met persecutions from their family as well as their neighbors. But the early Korean Christians had persevered and ultimately overcame persecutions. Only when the family which had burnt those fetishes survived and ever thrived through the processes did family members confirm that God is more powerful than the spiritual beings. The story of the “power encounter” ran rapidly through relatives and neighbors. These kinds of illustrations of “power encounter” resulted in a paradigm shift among the people. They decided to accept the Gospel and became Christians. In short, “power encounter” engendered “people movement” toward Christ. Missiologist Alan R. Tippett’s thesis, the conversion of the animists are through the power encounter types of evangelism, is firmly proved by examining the Korean animists. As Tippett mentioned through his research among Melanesians and Polynesians that “power encounter” brought about “people movement” toward Christ, so did “power encounter” among Korean animists also result in “people movement” toward Christ. Although the animistic beliefs among Koreans nowadays are reduced in comparison to the period of first Protestant missions, many Koreans still resort to divinations and shamanistic rituals. Even many Buddhists seem to have animistic belief rather than the pure Buddhistic concept or perspective. So to approach the Buddhistic people with the Gospel, one has to be prepared with God’s power rather than with one’s knowledge about Buddhistic philosophy. Lessons we received from the Korean animists’ conversion experiences could be wisely applied when we evangelize the Buddhistic people. However, many cases of syncretism and backsliding to heretical movements are also found in Korean church history. When the process of “power encounter” is neglected or by-passed, chances of falling into such pitfalls are high. Without vivid confrontation with the deities which were served before, they cannot commit wholeheartedly to Christ. They can easily slide back to their traditional beliefs and become victims to heretical movements. To escape such negative influence from traditional belief systems, God’s servants working among animists have to examine carefully not to miss nor by-pass the process of “power encounter”. Also they have to consider carefully how to nurture believers with animistic backgrounds. Without appropriate nurturing, new believers with animistic backgrounds can easily backslide to their traditional beliefs. Upon the Word of God, their animistic perspectives and value systems have to be transformed to fit into the Biblical ones. Korean people were blessed when they accepted the Gospel and became God's people. They realized their mission sincerely and have tried to fulfill the great commission. They tried to be used by God especially for the worldwide evangelization. Even today there are many animists all over the world. For them, Koreans' experiences of turning from animists to God's people, can be utilized strategically. One who is thinking about evangelizing the animists over the world can use the “power encounter“ tactics and become a faithful servant of God. The conversion patterns of the Korean Christians can be used effectively in evangelizing the animists of the world when they get wisdom from early Korean Christians’ experiences.

The plan type of Korean protestant church architecture underwent changes as following five stages according to the changes of the distinction between the sexes. First stage - At the beginning of missionary work in Korea, Koreans generally worshiped in missionary houses which were traditional Korean styles. The plan type of these houses was a simple '-' figure. At that time, men and women worshiped separately because of the idea of the distinction between the sexes. They either worshiped in different places at the same time or in the same place at the different time. Second stage - At this stage, men and women started to worship together in the same place. At the beginning of this stage, men sat in the front of the chapel on a rostrum, and women sat behind the men. The plan type of the chapel was a simple '-' or a rectangular figure. Later, they sat separately on the right and left side. There are the visual interceptions which were set up between them. As the number of church members increased rapidly, a new type of church architecture appeared. It was a 'ㄱ' figure. At that time the entrances were separated by the sexes. Third stage - At this stage, the visual interceptions disappeared as the idea of the distinction between the sexes became weak. As new churches had been constructed by the plan type of rectangular figure, the visual interceptions weren't set up anymore. Fourth stage - At this stage, the separated entrances were unified as one. But the arrangement of their seats didn't change because of the old idea of the distinction between the sexes. Fifth stage - In the final stage, the plan type of the church architecture was not determined by the idea of the distinction between the sexes but social, economical, technological facts and the influence of the foreign architecture. At this stage, new and various kinds of the plan type appeared such as the fan, round, squared, or oval figure as well as the rectangular figure. Men and women were not classified anymore. They started to sit and worship together in the same place. Also, when men and women sat separately from side to side because of the Idea of the distinction between the sexes, men sat on the right and women sat on the left side of rostrum. It didn't applied Confucian ideas but the idea of protestant church; protestant churches have the idea that the right side is more important but it does not in Confucianism.

Since Korea disclaimed to open the ports, Korean architecture has met the impetuous transformation. Although there would be various factors of this transformation, the new-coming architecture by missionary seemed to be a significant one, and many researches have been carried out on this theme in diverse viewpoints. However, because these researches have preponderated on the Catholic tradition, it is deficient for clarify the whole history of mission architecture. Therefore, this research has the meaning to enrich the history of Korean modern architecture by making balance. First of all, this paper is focused on the activities of one missionary, Graham Lee. He is a practical missionary at the beginning, his architecture made a critical influence in Korean traditional architecture. Graham Lee was born in Rock Island, Illinois, 1861, and he determined to become a missionary through grown up. He spent his boyhood by working as a plumber for his purpose and studied in a university afterward. Graduating of McComick Theological Seminary, he was nominated as a pioneer of Pyeng Yang Mission Station and set foot in Korea, September of 1892. Since then he started to erect missionary facilities in Pyeng Yang, such as Well House(1898), Pyeng Yang Central Church(1900-1901), Pyeng Yang Academy(1902). These all his works are designed with eclectic style which shows western and Korean traditional style intermingled. This unique characteristic made a profound influence to the Korean mission architecture afterwards. Especially, the L-type plan of Pyeng Yang Central Church, which is first shown by him, is recognized very unique, and this plan type had been spread all over the country. Therefore the L-type plan became the peculiar feature of the early Korean churches. Furthermore, working with Korean carpenters, he taught them new skills of modem buildings. After that, they were expanded out northern part of Korea and took the roles of master builders. According to this expansion, his particular style had got spread and had been settled as a unique eclectic style in Korean modern architecture. In the conclusion, he is evaluated to be a critical pioneer missionary, who left a big influence on the frame work of Korean modern architecture in the transitional times.

The present study aims to describe the progress of the growth of Protestantism during the period of from 1885 to 1980s in Korea and to ana1yze, and explain, this progress so that from thjs we can learn a lesson for the growth of Protestantism in the future. The period to be exarruned by this study is djvided into the three periods of 1890-1910, 1920-1930s and 1960-1980s This study has four major divisions. Thefirst section describes the progress of the growth of Protestantism during the period of 1890- 1910 and analyzes, and explajns, this progress. The second section deals with Protestantism growing slowly for the period of 1920-1930s and examines this growth.The third section treats Protestantism growing rapidly during 1960-1980s and identifies the causes of thjs fast growth. The final section evaluates the growth of Protestantism for the period of 1885-1980s and from tills infers the factors, whjch could exert influence on the growth of Protestantism in the future. The result of this study says that it is the strong tie by blood and region rooted deeply in the Korean society and the small group meeting like Sunday school withjn the church, which has contributed to the growth of Protestantism during the period of 1885-1980s in Korea. In order for the Korean church to grow further, it is important, first of all, that the lay Christians use the evangelistic method of 。Æman to man0 0to propagate the Christian message to their family, relatives, or friends; and it is desirable that the church develops various education programs to train the faith of the children of Christian parents .. 1n addition to this it is necessary that the church leaders develop their spiritual power and socia1 skill, and the church creates various types of sma11 group, to meet the needs of the younger generatJ.On

본 연구의 목적은 초기 내한 선교사들이 한국 무속신앙을 어떻게 이해 했는지를 보다 종합적으로 살펴보는 것이다. 지금까지 몇몇 연구자들이 선교사들의 한국 무속 이해를 간략하게 언급하였고, 선교사들의 한국 종교 이해를 다룬 연구도 있었다. 그러나 무속신앙에 초점을 맞추어 보다 체계적으로 분석한 것은 존재하지 않는다. 그런 의미에서 본 연구는 초기 선교사들이 무속신앙을 어떻게 이해했는지를 살펴볼 수 있는 하나의 창을 제공한다. 본 연구는 선교사들이 인식한 한국 종교 체계 속에서 무속신앙의 위치를 다룬다. 한국인들이 무속신앙을 어떻게 느꼈다고 선교사들이 인식했는지도 다룬다. 한국인들의 무속신앙 인식에 따른 다양한 행동들도 분석한다. 한국인들의 무속신앙 속에서 선교사들이 기복주의를 발견했음도 살펴본다. 악귀와 관련된 다양한 무속신앙의 치유방법들이 선교사들에게 목격되었음도 살펴본다. 그리고 선교사들이 무속신앙을 비판적으로 인식하며 대결의 대상으로 삼았음도 확인한다. 본 연구의 방법론은 문헌연구이다. 선교사들은 한국 선교 경험을 토대로 책을 저술하였고, 편지, 잡지, 일기를 통해 그들의 무속신앙에 대한 견해를 드러냈다. 이러한 자료들을 분석하여 선교사들의 이해를 분석하여 정리하게 될 것이다.

한국 개신교의 초기 출판은 동아시아에서 기독교 선교 역사가 가장 깊은 중국의 출판물들에 크게 영향을 받았다. 하지만, 1910년 한일강제병합 이후 일반 정치, 경제, 사회, 문화의 영역 뿐 아니라, 기독교를 포함한 종교계도 일본 출판계의 영향을 크게 받게 되었다. 이러한 과정 속에서 중국 기독교 출판계의 영향력은 한반도에서 서서히 약화되어 갔으며, ｢구미 → 중국 → 일본 → 한국｣이라는 근대 기독교 출판계의 영향 구조가 ｢구미 + 일본 → 한국｣이라는 도식으로 변화해 갔음을 확인하게 된다. 하지만 해방 이후에는 ｢구미 → 한국｣이라는 구조로 재편 되면서, 나름의 주체적 기독교 출판의 역량 확보를 도모해가게 된다. 일제하 한국 기독교 출판은 그러한 한계들과 미숙함 속에서도 해방 이후 한국교회의 창출신학이 움트는 모판으로서의 역할과 기능을 감당했으며, 해방 이후 현대 한국교회의 역동적인 신학담론과 저술들이 출판될 수 있는 기틀을 다지는 하나의 과정으로서의 의미를 지닌다고 하겠다.

한국개신교의 종교개혁 500주년과 관련된 최근의 경향을 살펴볼 때, 주 목할 만한 현상이 나타난다. 그것은 대부분의 연구가 500년 전 유럽의 종 교개혁과 현재 한국의 종교개혁을 살펴보면서 양자를 직접적으로 연결시 킨다는 것이다. 이와 관련하여 두 가지 질문이 제기된다. 하나는 500년 전 유럽의 상황과 오늘날의 한국의 상황 사이에는 500년이란 시간적 간격과 서구와 비서구라는 공간적 간격이 있는데, 이것을 충분히 고려하고 있는가 하는 질문이다. 다른 하나는 한국에 이미 100여 년 전 개신교가 전달되었 기에 종교개혁과 관련된 역사가 1세기에 가까운데, 이런 전(前) 역사에 대 하여 충분한 관심을 보이는가 하는 질문이다. 본 논문은 바로 이런 문제점 에 대해서 답하고자 한다. 이것은 방대한 연구 과제라고 할 수 있다. 따라 서 본 논문은 범위를 제한하여, 한국개신교 초기부터 해방 전까지 종교개 혁과 직접적으로 관련된 문헌 특히 단행본을 분석하는데 집중하고자 한다. 본 논문이 다루고자 하는 것은 해방 전에 나온 일곱 권의 단행본이다. 이것들은 다음과 같은 특징을 보인다. 첫째, 저자의 관점에서 보면, 처음 네 권은 선교사가 집필했고, 다섯 번째는 한국인이 번역했고, 마지막 두 권 은 한국인이 집필했다. 이것만 봐도 점차 한국인 주도적인 연구가 이뤄진 것을 알 수 있다. 둘째, 내용의 관점에서 보면, 종교개혁의 역사서가 네 권 이었고, 인물사가 세 권이었다. 루터교, 종교개혁 전반, 종교개혁 이후 등 구체적이고도 광범위한 역사가 다뤄졌다. 또한 종교개혁의 핵심인물인 루 터, 녹스, 칼뱅이 소개되었다. 셋째, 출판년도의 관점에서 보면, 종교개혁 400주년인 1917년을 전후하여 1900년대에 1권, 1910년대에 2권, 1920년대 에 2권, 1930년대에 1권, 1940년대에 1권이 출간되었다. 이를 미루어볼 때, 종교개혁에 관한 관심이 지속되었음을 알 수 있다. 본 논문은 해방 전 종교개혁 관련 저서들을 통하여 다음 몇 가지 사실을 발견하였다. 첫째, 종교개혁에 대한—가톨릭교회를 포함하여— 상당한 지 식이 제공되었다. 둘째, 종교개혁에 대한 개념, 용어 등이 개발되었지만 추 후 연구에 성실하게 반영되지 않았다. 셋째, 이 저서들의 출간이 바로 한국 개신교의 자기신학화의 발전 과정을 보여주었다.