Zygomycosis and aspergillosis are representative filamentous fungal infections in the sinonasal region. However, their combined form seldom occurs. This report describes one case of zygomycosis and aspergillosis occurring in a patient that did not have diabetes or any other immunocompromising conditions. The patient presented with a history of intermittent swelling and pus discharge from the gingiva of the right maxillary posterior teeth. The radiographs demonstrated a periapical radiolucency around the right maxillary first molar, together with mild haziness and mucosal thickening of the right maxillary sinus. U nder t he c linical impression o f odontogenic sinusitis, a Caldwell-Luc operation was performed. However, the final diagnosis based on microscopic examination was combined zygomycosis and aspergillosis. Previous studies of zygomycosis occurring alone describe a very aggressive clinical course, including necrosis of tissue,cranial nerve involvement and death. Our patient did not show any of these symptoms, and recovered after surgical debridement only. It can be concluded from the present case that the prognosis of fungal infections depends on the immune status of the host, rather than behavior of the fungi.

In this paper, we discussed a methodology for education of German as a foreign language. In order to see how grammar and a function of communication should be linked, we investigated the way how grammar is dealt with in a chapter teaching “showing the way” as a communicational situation in 8 different highschool textbooks. To maximize the efficiency of teaching a specific grammar factor, we tried to establish which one should be linked to this communicational situation. Two conditions are necessary for this. Firstly, typical sentences for “showing the way” should be expressed by the grammar factor. Secondly, the grammar part associated with the expressions used for the communication situation should be more closely related to this one than any other communication situation. We concluded that the most efficient grammar factors that can be associated with the communication situation, “showing the way” are dative preposition and imperative, and that imperative can also be effectively associated with other communication situations such as “birthday and invitation”, and “health and treatment”.

이 논문은 한개의 집중하증을 받는 단순지지 변화꼭선길이 보에 관한 연구이다. Bernoulli-Euler 보 이룬에 의하여 정확탄성곡션을 지배하는 미분방정식윤 유도하고 이를 수치해석하여 정확탄성꼭선의 거동값들을 예측 하였다， 미분방정식을 적분하기 위하여 Runge-Kutta method를 이용하고， 단부의 회전각을 산출하기 위하여 Regula-Falsi method플 이용하였다. 본 연구에서의 수치해석 결과들은 문헌값듬과 매우 잔 일치하여 본 연 구방법의 타당성을 입증하였다 수치해석의 결과로 정확탄성곡선익 거동값파 하증사이익 관계 및 한계거동값 과 하증위치변수 사이의 관계를 각각 그림에 나타내였다 수치해석의 결과를 분석하여 변화곡선길이 보에서 발생가능한 최대 단부회전각， 최대 처점 벚 최대 휩모벤프를 산정하였다.

Two standard methods of cane length measurements were compared to find which methods really achieve the elbow flexion of 20 degrees to 30 degrees Twenty-four patients with hemiplegia who were ambulatory participated in this study. Method I : Length of the cane measured from the floor to the top of the greater trochanter. Method II : Length of the cane measured from the floor to the distal wrist crease with the arm at the side. Using an adjustable cane, each individual was fitted according to the two methods, and elbow angle was measured after each adjustment. The elbow angle according to Method I and Method II was , , respectively. No significant difference was found in the elbow angle or the cane length between the two methods. Of the 24 participants, 5(20.8%) measured according to method I and 3(12.5%) measured according to method II showed the elbow angle between 20 degrees and 30 degrees. These low predictive rates of agreement between ideal cane length and actually achieved elbow angle showed that these two methods which have conventionally been accepted as a standard to measure ideal cane length need to be revised through further research.

The purpose of this study was to determine which of several crutch-fitting techniques best predicts ideal crutch length. Ideal crutch length is defined as the length of the crutch, including accessories, obtained during stance when the crutch tip is 6 inches (15.2 cm) lateral and 6 inches(15.2 cm) anterior to the fifth toe and the axillary pad is 2.5 inches(6.4 cm) below the axillary fold. Forty four volunteers were measured for crutches using each of the following methods:(1) 77% of actual height, (2) actual height minus 40.6 cm, (3) actual height minus 45.7 cm, (4) olecranon to opposite third finger tip, (5) olecranon to opposite fifth finger tip, (6) 77% of arm span, (7) arm span minus 40.6 cm, (8) anterior axillary fold to heel plus 5.1 cm, (9) anterior axillary fold to heel plus 10.2 cm, (10) ideal crutch length. Of the techniques studied, the two involving anterior axillary fold to heel were found to be good predictors: anterior axillary fold to heel plus 5.1 cm and anterior axillary fold to heel plus 10.2 cm. Finally, two additional length estimates were derived using linear regression analyses. These estimates provided the best overall predictors based on anterior axillary fold to heel and actual height.

본 논문은 한국에서 활동한 외원단체들 가운데, 동양선교회(Oriental Missionary Society)와 밀접한 관련을 가졌던 세계구호위원회(World Relief Commission)의 설립동기와 배경, 그리고 한국에서의 활동을 살펴보고 있다. 특히 세계구호위원회에서 주도적인 활동을 한 엘마 길보른(Elmer Kilbourne)의 활동에 집중하여, 이후 한국의 사회복지에 기여한 점을 추적하고 있다. 본 논문은 세계구호위원회와 엘마 길보른의 활동을 밝힘으로, 전후 한국사회의 재건과 사회사업 및 복지기관의 출현 등에 끼친 복음주의 기독교의 역할 및 한국성결교회의 기여를 드러내려고 한다. 본 논문은 미국복음주의협회 관련자료, 엘마 길보른의 보고서와 회고록, 세계구호위원회의 활동기록, OMS 보고서, 기독교대한성결교회 총회록, 기독공보 등을 통해, 한국사회를 사회사업의 역사와 비교하여 살펴보기 위하여, 사회학적인 접근과 함께 역사적 기술방법을 택하고 있다. 본 논문의 결론은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 세계구호위원회의 한국 활동은 처음 구호활동에서 시작하여 점차 사회사업으로 발전하였다. 둘째, 세계구호위원회의 한국활동은 한국성결교회를 통해 진행되어, 교단이 사회의 약자들에게 관심을 갖고 인도주의적 프로그램을 시도하는 계기를 제공하였다. 셋째, 세계구호 위원회의 한국 활동은 전쟁을 통해 형성된 반공의식을 더 강화시키는 기능을 하였다. 넷째, PL480을 통한 미국정부의 세계구호위원회의 지원은 사회 사업을 더 강화시킨 측면이 있으나, 상대적으로 자발적 활동의 한계를 노출시켰다. 마지막으로, 세계구호위원회의 한국 활동에 대한 연구를 수행하는데, 자료 활용에 어려움이 있다는 점이다.

대규모 지하공간은 다양한 내부공간의 계획으로 복잡한 구조를 갖게된다. 띠라서 사용자에게 길찾기에 어려움을 줄뿐 아니라 경로 예상 측면에도 많은 노력이 필요하다. 코엑스몰은 2014년에 리모델링이 이루어졌으며, 기존에 코엑스와 관련한 공간의 물리적 환경요소와 길찾기의 관계와 영향에 대한 선행연구들이 있으나 여전히 서울의 3대 미로로 여겨지고 있다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 안경형 시선추적장치를 활용하여 보행환경요인의 연속성을 토대로 경로에 따른 시지각 데이터를 실험 분석하여 안내체계와 결절점의 관계 속에서 구체적인 시지각 인지와 연결성을 확인하고 이에 따른 방향성을 도출하여 원할한 길찾기를 모색하고자 하였다. 연구방법으로는 안경형 시선추적 장비를 활용하여 코엑스몰 ‘별마당 도서관’의 안내체계에 대해 실험참가자 총 25명의 데이터를 추출하여 분석하였다. 데이터 분석은 첫째, 그리드 관심영역(Gridded AOI)설정과 KPI(Key Performance Indicator)지표로 실험참가자들이 공간에서 어디를 보는지(Entry time, Glance counts), 얼마나 보는 지(Net dwell time), 그리고 얼마나 다시 보는지(Revisits)를 위해 데이터를 분류하고 추출하여 시각화(Visualization)하였 다. 둘째, 시선고정빈도(Fixation Count)와 평균시선고정(Average Fixation)으로 보는 것에 따라 평균 시간과 빈도 값을 비교하였다. 결론적으로, 본 연구에서는 공간의 길찾기에서 결절점 역할을 인지하는 과정을 데이터로 추출하여 사인 정보 인식체계에서 경로 유형 선택 과정을 도출하였다. 이는 향후 대형 지하복합공간 디자인계획에서 방문자 중심의 공간정보인 지체계 개발 시스템에 기초적 디자인 방법론의 유형으로 제안한다.

본 논문은 임지선의 비올라 협주곡 《새로운 길-윤동주를 기억하며》에 대한 서사적 분석이다. 그러한 분석의 기반으로 필자는 해튼의 제스처론과 마이클 클라인의 상호텍스트성을 통한 서사 이론에 바탕을 두었음을 밝히는 바이다. 필자는 먼저 이 곡의 구조적 분석에 있어서 크게 세 파트로 나눈 후, 이를 다시 여섯 개의 섹션으로 나누었다. 각 파트마다 음악적 제스처들을 설정하고 임지선이 각 파트에서 차용한 곡들과 음악적 제스 처에 부합하다고 여겨지는 윤동주의 시들을 상호텍스트로 설정하여 음악적 제스처들과 연관된 내러 티브를 도출하였다. 이러한 분석을 통해 필자가 구조화한 이 곡의 내러티브는 슬픔, 저항, 희망이다.

국민소득이 증가하며 안전하고 편안한 도로에 대한 요구는 증가하고 있으나, 도로 주변의 토지수용의 어려움 등 제반여건에 따라 도로를 위한 공간의 확보는 어려운 실정이다. 동신대학교 운동장 뒤편의 율정길의 경우 협소한 도로로 인하여 주민 이동이 불편하며, 호우시 도로변의 좁은 개천이 범람할 위험이 상존하고 있는 지역이다. 본 연구에서는 율정길변의 개천을 확장 및 복개하여 치수안전성과 이동 편이성을 확보하고자 하였다. 개천의 너비, 토지 수용의 어려움, 도로 확장 가능성, 우천시 통수능 등을 고려하여 암거형태를 선택하였으며, 암거 구조물의 자중과 토압조건, 차량 이동에 따른 활화중과 기타 설계 고려사항 등을 반영하여 최적의 단면을 가지는 암거를 설계하였다. 이를 통하여 평균 폭 4m이하의 율정길을 폭 8m의 왕복 2차선 도로로 확장할 수 있었다. 본 설계의 결과로 최소한의 비용으로 율정길 통행의 편이성과 치수안전성이 개선될 것으로 판단된다.

In 2005, Japan’s Shimane Prefecture adopted the ‘Takeshima Day’ ordinance that designated the 22nd of February, the day Dokdo was incorporated into Japan in 1905, as a prefectura lmemorial day. The passage of the ordinance, the Korean reaction and the wide domestic coverage propelled ‘Takeshima’ to the fore of Japan’s domestic debates on South Korea. It transformed the previously obscure and unknown to most Japanese dispute into one of the main symbols in Japan’s nationalistic debates. Commentators in South Korea but also in the English language media and academia have interpreted this ordinance as another expression of the rising official and popular nationalism in Japan. The process that culminated in the passage of the ordinance however is much more complex than this. The ordinance was adopted against the wish of the government and key membersof the ruling Liberal Democratic Party and, as I will explain below, was directed at Tokyo rather than at Seoul. Furthermore, Japan’s other territorial disputethe dispute with Russia over the South Kuriles/Northern Territories- has played an important role in bringing about the ordinance. Shimane Prefecture’s Dokdo related activism did not start in 2005 but dates back to the early postwar years. Japan’s defeat in the Asia-Pacific War and the loss of colonies, as well as the occupation brought about a sudden increase in population and shrinkage in fishing areas available for all of Japanese fishermen. Spurred by these developments, Shimane Prefecture, whose fishermen could no longer fish in waters near the Korean Peninsula and where many of former colonizers expelled from the Peninsula have settled, embarked on a campaign urging the Occupation Authorities and the Japanese Government to return Dokdo to Japan. The Japanese government also perceived Dokdo as rightfully belonging to Japan and during preparations for the San-Francisco Peace Treaty lobbied the US to include the rocks in Japan’s territory. The final version of the Peace Treaty however carried no references to Dokdo. While South Korea has effectively administered the rocks since 1952, both the Japanese and the Korean governments have adopted interpretations of the Treaty, favorable to their respective positions. The dispute over Dokdo’s belonging was one of the main stumbling blocks in Japan-South Korea normalization negotiations that started in 1951. Meanwhile, Shimane Prefecture continued to send petitions to the central government arguing the need to establish Japan’s rights to the rocks. As such in the 1950s, the positions of Matsue (Shimane’s prefectural capital) and Tokyo on the territorial dispute were identical. However, the conclusion of the 1965 Basic Treaty which normalized relations between Japan and South Korea created a divide in Shimane’s and Tokyo’s relations. As Daniel Roh (2008) has showed in his Takeshima Mitsuyaku (The Takeshima Secret Pact), in early 1960s both the Japanese and the Korean governments came to perceive the issue of ownership over the rocks as relatively insignificant but neither side could compromise for domestic political reasons. As such, they reached a tacit agreement to shelve the dispute. According to the agreement, both governments would continue to hold their respective interpretations regarding ownership of the rocks, but would maintain the status quo and avoid escalation of the dispute. From that point onwards, the perceptions of the dispute in Tokyo and Matsue diverged. While officially adhering to the position that Dokdo is illegally occupied by South Korea, Tokyo’s interests changed from attempts to retrieve the territory to a policy that aimed at keeping ‘Takeshima’ away from the domestic public discourse. Contrastingly, in late 1960s, Tokyo embarked on an extensive domestic campaign related to the Northern Territories. The purpose of the campaign was to consolidate the public opinion around the ‘Northern Territories’ issue and through this to divert domestic nationalism away from the US and the American bases on Okinawa towards the Soviet Union. The campaign involved extensive educational activities, establishment of numerous memorials on Hokkaido and the enactment of the national ‘Northern Territories Day’ in 1981. This extensive campaign has managed to transform ‘Northern Territories’ from an issue that until 1970s was of interest mainly to former residents of the four islands into a national symbol. However the extensive attention paid by the central government to ‘Northern Territories’ from late 1960s, created a visible contradiction in Japan’s policy related to territorial disputes. On one hand, Japan’s official position on both of the disputes remained identical: both Dokdo (Takeshima) and South Kuriles (Northern Territories) were argued to be illegally occupied by South Korea and the Soviet Union respectively. In terms of domestic policy however, the central government has invested heavily in the Northern Territories campaign but, with rare exceptions, has kept silent on Dokdo and did not allocate any resources to it. The bilateral fishing agreement that accompanied the 1965 normalization treaty enabled Japanese fishermen to fish in waters near the rocks and, while from late 1970s the Korean authorities prevented them from entering the 12 miles zone near the rocks, the agreement solved most of Shimane’s fishing related grievances. The duplicity in Tokyo’s position however has created a sense of victimhood and injustice among Shimane’s prefectural elites and became the main stimulant in Dokdo related activism. At the same time, Tokyo’s ‘Northern Territories’ campaign informed and shaped prefecture’s own campaign and the nature of their demands from the government. The 2005 ‘Takeshima Day’ ordinance was an integral part of Shimane Prefecture’s five decades long Dokdo related campaign. Certain actions of the Korean government such as the issuance of the second Dokdo memorial stamp in 2004 served as the immediate trigger for Shimane Prefecture’s 2004 memorandum that became the basis for the 2005 ordinance. These actions however were interpreted through the lens of victimhood and injustice caused by Tokyo. Thus the memorandum demanded from Tokyo to adopt certain domestic polices related to the ‘Northern Territories’ such as the national day and a governmental body in charge of developing and coordinating related policies, to the Dokdo issue as well. The prefectural ordinance was a response to Tokyo’s denial to accommodate Shimane’s demands and was adopted despite requests from the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and the government not to do so. Today, both ‘Northern Territories’ and ‘Takeshima’ are important symbols in Japan’s nationalism directed at its neighbors. The processes that led to emergence of these national symbols however are quite different. In a somewhat ironic fashion, Tokyo’s successful attempt to raise the visibility of ‘Northern Territories’ in the domestic discourse, facilitated the emergence of ‘Takeshima’ as another national symbol-against the desire of the central government.