이 연구는 설화에 내포된 금기 화소의 의미를 신학적 관점에서 재해석하고자 하는 연구다. 연구자는 설화의 금기 화소에 대하여, 인간은 신에게 어떤 존재인가. 신은 인간에게 어떤 존재이며, 신은 왜 인간에게 하필 금기를 부여하는가. 또 그렇게 부여된 금기의 의미나 목적을 인간은 어떻게 이해하고 수용하여야하는가 등의 의문을 갖게 되었다. 금기 화소의 의미에 관하여는 지금까지 적잖은 연구가 있었다. 그러나 대부분의 선행연구는 “인간은 결코 신이 될 수 없는 존재”이며, 금기는 그런 인간이 침범해서는 안 될 신적 영역의 “경계선”이나 “고갯마루”로 규정하고, 이를 경계로 신과 인간을 대치시키는 부정적 견해로만 규정하였다. 연구자는 설화가 원시종교와 함께 발화된 점에 주목하여 기존의 연구에 신학적 시각의 접근을 모색하였다. 그 결과 ‘금기는 인간이 그것을 깨뜨림으로써 신이 원하는 방향으로 이끌어가는 방법적 메시지’라는 융의 주장을 수용하고, 금기의 파기로 원형성을 상실한 인간이 금기에 투사하여 통과 의례를 치름으로써, 신적 지위를 회복할 수 있는 근본적 행위 문제로써, 이는 인간의 구원을 위한 신의 계획된 목적이라는 결론을 얻었다.

Swearing is a verbal abuse of a curse and a verbally and mentally homicidal act. These days, however, the concept of swearing prevails in various contexts, as with the saying "Any word that causes discrimination and hatred to the listeners is a curse." Words such as virgin, widow, and old man are not curses in a traditional perspective, but they can be interpreted as swear words that arouse an aversion depending on who listens to those expressions. Therefore, the movement of political correctness is foregrounded in pursuit of language purification, and the phenomenon of replacing old man with the elderly or silver is one example. These kinds of expressions appear in sociolinguistic areas that including race, sex, region, generation, occupation, and religion. These expressions could be political swear words and thus can be called political taboo words. These expressions are not traditional, objective, or typical swear words listed in the dictionary, but can be interpreted as subjective, psychological, and political swear words. Political taboo words should be purified to fair objective, nondiscriminatory, and non-aversive expressions; however, if purified languages are not coined, political taboo words can undergo the process of disuse.

Kim Gyu-nam. 2016. “Nation lead ideology and Social taboo emerged from Personal Records of a man in rural Korea”. The Sociolinguistic Journal of Korea 24(1). 37~65. The aim of this paper is to analysis nation lead ideology and social taboo in the modernization era based on the language life history memoirs and diary of an old man in a rural area of Korea. Modern society in korea was built up through the colonial period, separated government of south-north Korea and the Korean war, Saemauel Undong. ≪Weolphayugo≫ and ≪Changphyeong diary≫ are a village dimension report on these periods. Even though the writer is an average person who adapted to the process of making a nation in each period successfully, he caused conflict with his family and neighbors constantly. His conflicts were caused by his attitude about the ideology of making a nation. It is modernity that influenced his conscience. It's affect on his conscience caused conflict with his family. He was the centre of power in the village in every period and is a typical self-made person. But his life was not happy and he became thought of as a troublesome person. In fact he was a victim of making a nation by each government in Korea. His success made him proud of by himself but it was a trap that made him a troublesome person in his family and village. Every society with conflict of a cross-cultural period and every nation should reflect upon his national consciousness and taboo seriously. This paper is beneficial for us because we can think back on ourselves in inter-cultural society.

Taboo, as a kind of language taboos, people since ancient times due to religious beliefs, and in the process of human development, the formation of one of the taboo is in social communication between language and social groups or in a particular region or individual by the formation of a mutual understanding of the language taboo morphology. Taboos in Chinese due to the ethnic customs of different kinds and different, alternative forms. This theory focuses on the definition of taboo, the kinds of linguistic taboos in Chinese and some of the taboo language to convey the alternative types of. The scope of the study of Chinese taboo is huge, this paper expounds the one failed. Therefore, the content of deficiencies, please enlighten experts.

Yeon Ho-tak. 2014. Names and Taboos: a Naming Taboo and an Ancestor-Friendly Naming Practice. The Sociolinguistic Journal of Korea 22(1). This paper is concerned with a comparative analysis of the naming taboo of Kihwee(忌諱) and the so-called name-friendly attitude of Chinhwee(親諱), the willing adoption of one's ancestor's name. The goals of this study are to investigate the origin, the evolution, the objects and methods of the naming taboo, and to compare it with the naming practice of Chinhwee which seems presumably opposed to it in terms of showing how each one of them is realized in the agricultural society based on Confucianism and in the nomadic culture sphere, respectively. A naming taboo is a socio-cultural taboo against speaking or writing the given names of exalted persons in Confucian countries including Korea and China. There are several kinds of naming taboo: the naming taboo of the state (國諱); the naming taboo of the clan (家諱); the naming taboo of the holinesses (聖人諱). People tend to figure out plausible reasons and methods not to violate a naming taboo. There existed at least three ways to avoid using a taboo character: changing the character to another one which usually is a synonym or sounds like the character being avoided; leaving the character as a blank; omitting a stroke in the character, especially the final stroke. The problem is that the custom of naming taboo had a contradiction in itself: without knowing what the emperors' names were one could hardly be expected to avoid them, so somehow the emperors' names had to be informally transmitted to the populace to allow them to learn them in order to avoid them. Since every reign of every dynasty had its own naming taboos, the study of naming taboos can help date an ancient text, and understand the culture concerned.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the kinds and way of using traditional foods for korean traditional days, and to identify prohibitive foods for pregnant and lactating women, and sick people taking into account the cultural aspects and the belief of korean housewives in Yanbian. The data were collected from August to December of 1995 in Yanbian area of China. The questionaire was designed to find traditional and prohibitive foods for them. The results provide some implications regarding the impact of cultures in understanding the perceptions to traditional foods as well as prohibitive foods. The perception on the development of traditional fast food and traditional food and menu is higher in Yanbian area than in korea but the frequency to use traditional fast food is similar in two areas.

A food life style itself is substrative relations with culture, and is concerned with our daily life. Especially a food taboo comes from the intelligence which resulted from an ancestor's life experience. Accordingly, we can say a food taboo began with human appearance, settled in convention of folklore society, and forms it's own boundary todays. Since a practice of a food taboo is combinded firmly with various sociological factors such as religion, custom, and so on, it is very hard to change, even though the belife of a food taboo is not true. According to the result, first, significant factors effecting on a practice of a food taboo was a level of age, a level of education, religion, family pattern, behavior of subject and her mother for food life management, education of subject and her mother, and religion of subject and her mother. Second, in analysis of factors according to classification of food taboo a practice of a food taboo which classified to food of animal, food of plant and the other food showed significant differences, comparing religion of subject with her mother. Third, a result examined practice frequency and review of science, non science indicated that foods such as Egg of Globefish, Lettuce, Coffee, Persimmon, dried Persimmon, Soybean and Sugar are tabooed on the basis of science, and foods such as Vinegary food, Thieved food, Soup of Tangle and Dogmeat tabooed on the basis of non science. But in the case of Puja, it's basis of science is not identified. These food taboos are tabooed by more then 50% of subjects including who answerd 'there is some case to practice it' Therefore, we should continue analysis of science for the reason of a food taboo, at the same time, provide the origin and try to have a rational food life.