보물 제1746호로 지정된 논산 노강서원강당은 2008년 정밀안전진단, 2015~2017년 주기적인 모니터링 결과에 따라 2017년 보수정비기본계획을 수립을 통해 현재 기둥이상 해체수리를 진행하고 있다. 강당의 건립시기는 기문헌(『노강서원지』, 각종 보고서, 문화재 안내 등)에서 1675년으로 보고 있으나, 해체 수리 과정에 서 확인된 중도리와 대공의 묵서, 기와 명문, 주요부재의 연륜연대 조사 등의 결과를 종합하여 창건시기를 검토해본 결과 1695년으로 확인되었다. 조선후기 서원의 기능이 교육에서 향사 중심으로 이동한 사실에 비춰본다면, 기존에 알려진 1675년 노강서원은 사당 중 심의 영역으로 건립된 후 1682년 사액을 통한 재정적 뒷받침을 바탕으로 1695년 강당을 신축한 것으로 보는 것이 타당하다 고 판단된다.

본 연구는 옥산서원의 입지 및 공간구성의 특성을 풍수의 관점에서 살펴보았다. 그 결과 옥산서원의 입지는 전체적으로 풍수적 길지에 해당되었다. 구체적으로, 풍수의 길격 요건을 갖춘 내룡이 서원 영역으로 이어져 와 멈춘 풍수적 혈에 강당이 정확히 자리해 있다. 주변 산줄기 또한 서원 영역을 바람의 피해로부터 막아주고 있으며, 옥산천 물길은 그 형태 및 역수의 측면에서 길한 요건을 갖추고 있다. 옥산서원 공간구성의 특징은 밀폐된 건물배치이며, 그것은 무변루의 내부 지향적인 구조에 기인한다. 무변루의 내부지향적 구조의 원인은 크게 세 가지 이며, 그것은 회재의 학문에 대한 열정과 은거관이 무변루의 폐쇄적 구조로 재현된 점, 세심대가 서원 영역과 인접해 있는 점, 서원 영역과 옥산천 건너 대안의 표고 차에 따른 바람의 피해를 막기 위한 점으로 요약된다.

This study was applied to the PCA (Primary Components Analysis) for the sixteen table setting at the 2017 Yeongju local food contest. In this contest, we have developed a seonbibansang and a temple one-dish meal. As a result of the correlation analysis, the applicability and composition were 0.7980, harmony and taste were 0.7747 and easiness and composition were 0.7435. In the Primary Component Y1, all the variables X1…X10 mean that the quality of the food had positive values greater than zero. The second Primary Component Y2 has a large positive value while X4, X5, X6, X7, X9 have negative values. Y2 is a value representing the sanitation variable, and can be considered a traditional and characteristic table setting natural to the native food in Yeongju. In addition, we developed an-hyangbansang and seonmyoaecheong food content by applying PCA factors (the elements of harmony, ease and sanitation). Table setting of an-hyangbansang provided energy 61.5%, protein 20.0% and fat 18.5% and seonmyoaecheong provided energy 62.7%, protein 15.4% and fat 22.2%. This satisfied the necessary amount of caloric nutrient intake that could be provided in a meal. Especially through story-telling, a modern interpretation - or rebranding - of local and traditional foods could make these traditional food products familiar to consumers currently. The developed table setting is felt to be conductive to the possible commercialization and introduction of traditional food into the mainstream commercial food service industry.

Simgok Seowon is the commemorative shrine and academy established for scholar Jo Gwangjo (pen name : Jeongam). The shrine (sangnyangsik) and the east and west dormitories (Dongjae and Seojae) were built in 1636. The lecture hall, Imsimnu Pavilion, Sananggak and Munhyanggak buildings were built successively. Simgok Seowon is the only one that survived through the abolishment of seowon ordered by Regent Heungseon in the 19th century. The original seowon was renowned as a representative example showing the typical lecture hall in front and dormitory at the back (jeondanghujae) layout of the Giho School built in 1650. Two archaeological excavations were conducted in the lecture hall courtyard in 2004 and 2007∼2008, which prompted debates the position of the dormitories in respect to the lecture hall, whether the dormitories should be placed in front, or at the back of the lecture hall. Simgok Seowon had been long known as a representative example of the lecture hall in front layout, but the excavations revealed contrasting evidence, suggesting the possibility for a dormitories in front layout. Recent studies and evidence show that the architecture of Simgok Seowon can be grouped into three phases. The first phase was when the shrine and both dormitories were built to the rear of the lecture hall, the second phase was when the lecture hall, Imsimnu Pavilion, Sananggak and Munhyanggak buildings were built, and lastly the third phase when the east, west dormitories were reconstructed in front of the lecture hall. The large scale construction of Simgok Seowon is related to the education based management of the academy by Doam Yi Jae, and the 17∼18th century remains confirmed from the archaeological excavations are evidence of this. Remains for Imsimnu Pavilion, Sananggak, and Munhyanggak buildings have yet to be confirmed, and spaces to the south and east of the seowon are unidentified. Therefore, it is necessary to conduct investigations and research for the unexcavated spaces of the seowon, to conduct in-depth studies and for the effective adaptive re-use of the seowon.

본 연구는 조선 중기 연산지역을 기반으로 성장하였던 기호학파 사림의 본거지라 할 수 있는 연산 돈암서원의 구지와 현지의 입지와 공간구성에 관해 고찰한 것으로 돈암서원의 구지의 입지 및 경관성과 장소성 그리고 서원 일원의 입지및 공간구성을 검토함으로써 세계문화유산 등재 등에 따른 돈암서원의 진정성을 고양할 수 있는 자료 추출을 목표로시도되었다. 구지에 존재하는 돈암 각자바위를 비롯하여 고지도 및 양성당십영에서 언급되는 조망경관상과 풍물요소는 구지의장소정체성을 함축하고 있다. 특히 양성당 주변에 조성되었던 쌍연지(雙蓮池)는 현지에서도 복원이 요망된다. 한편현지의 공간구성은 전학후묘로 응도당인 강당이 수직축 상에 있었지만 건물은 현 위치로 이건시 이미 양성당이 강당의위치로 이건되어 부득이 응도당은 좌측으로 자리 잡게 된 것으로 보인다. 현 공간구성은 진입공간-강학공간-제향공간그리고 관리공간으로 구분된다. 현 부지내 식재된 수목 중 향나무 노거수를 비롯하여 배롱나무, 소나무 등은 보존적가치가 높게 파악되며 입덕문 기단과 꽃담에 표현된 상징미학적 메시지도 파악할 수 있었다.현 부지의 지속적인 보존은 무엇보다 중요하다. 그러나 이에 못지않게 현 위치에서 가까운 돈암서원의 구지 또한근 250여 년간 서원의 역할과 기능을 수행한 곳으로서 세계문화유산 잠정목록에 등재된 돈암서원의 진정성을 강화한다는측면에서도 구지의 보존 및 경관 형성은 매우 중요한 과제로 판단된다.

Through investigating the effects that result from the form and preference of Ahnsan (案山) and Jusan(主山) symbolizing ground in the cases of 21 of the Korean Academics for classical learning which called Seowon(書院) located in South Korea of the whole 47, to layout the Korean Academics for classical learning, what factor Sarim(士林) preferred to and how they analyzed the form of circumjacent mountains by Fengshui. While the Jusan has intrinsic attribute due to connecting with the place, Hyuljang(穴 場) , the Ahnsan has public and extrovert. It can be explained that the Sarim who established the Korean Academics for classical learning had their internal hope and external justification. To put it concretely, because of their necessity of concentrating on their study within nature and their situation as hermits apart from government through long time, they made the Korean Academics for classical learning stable and satisfactory. Therefore, they had to choose Moogocksung(武曲星) as a Jusan. And their study was essential method to take their justification. And It was attractive for them to be a public officer by their study. So they preferred to Moonpilbong(文筆峯) symbolizing their achievements on their study. So the layout of the Korean Academics for classical learning tells us that the Sarim sought internal stability and external scholarship.

Sewon was a new type of private academy established by a class landed Confucian scholars known as sarim. During Joseon dynasty, sewon had dual functions as a shrine and a place of learning. The site plan of seowon appeared mainly two types of site plan according to the indications of the age and school. This paper was done to analyze the site plan and construction history of Simgok seowon with historical materials and excavation investigation result. Simgok seowon is dedicated to Jo Gwang-jo(1482～1519). This private Confucian academy was founded in 1605 as a small shrine, which was destroyed in 1636. Thereafter, when the shrine received a royal warrant naming as Simgok seowon in 1650, the new site for the seowon was chosen, which is currently located in Gyeonggi-do Yongin-si Sanghyeon-ri 203. Since then, buildings of Simgok seowon was constructed and repaired couple of times. Through the investigation, it was found that the site plan of Simgok seowon was originally a type of ‘jeonjaehudang’, that is, dormitory building between the lecture hall and the outer gate, or dormitory building is in front and lecture hall is in behind.

Seowon(書院) is a representing institution in Choseon Dynasty not only educationally but also politically and economically. Due to the artificial crackdown by Daewon-gun in 1871 and destruction by wars, it is difficult to restore and interpret the Seowon accurately at present. It is well known that the 'Basic Form' of the Seowon consists of an inner court, enclosed by the rear gangdang (lecture hall), dongseo-jae (east and west dormitory), and the front munlu (gate pavilion or upper story bower for relaxation), represented by so called 'front-dormitory rear-lecture-hall type', that is, 'jeonjae hudang(前齋後堂) type'. However, it is overlooked that this Basic Form is a product of Youngnam School located only in Youngnam area. A different form, of 'front-lecture-hall rear-dormitory type', or 'jeonndang hujae(前堂後 齋) type' is located only in Gyeonggi, Hoseo and Honam area. It has been wrongly analyzed that the type is a result of the later period, emphasizing the memorial service rather than the lecture itself, and worshipping loyalists than Confucian scholars. Analysis encompassing each Seowon architecture has been mistakenly made by historians as "deterioration" of the original educational purpose of the Seowon from the early period to the later period. This paper raises the fact that the form of jeondang hujae type has been established since the early period of Seowon in the 16th Century. It has a unique order of space itself. Here, the lecture hall faces toward sadang (shrine). The inner court, enclosed by east and west jae and the lecture hall, becomes the outer yard of the shrine, and as a result two main spaces of the shrine and lecture area is merged into one. While the munlu of the basic type encloses the inner court of the main area, the munlu of jeondang hujae type is located at the vicinity area. This paper reinterprets the jeondang hujae type not as a form coming out of degenerated period but as a type that belongs to a different Confucian school, the area of Kiho, and concludes that the Seowon is a product of political struggles between the two schools and of the local economical situation. Each school has maintained his own type of form, therefore the remaining Kiho Seowon architecture can be reevaluated.

The purpose of this study is to create the cultural landscape we can realize the flavor of our ancestors from, improving and maintainning the Museong Seoweon in chilbomyun, jeongup city. This plan containing the confliction between protection of cultural properties and developing the around area promotes synthetic maintenance which can let out their own characters and make them be in accord with environment. I hope that the Museong Seowon where people enshrine some of the greatest ancestors such as Choichiwon， who was the greatest scholar in shila dynasty a thousand years ago and Junggeukin, who is famous for sangchungok will be given a new look as a central and cultural facility which can succeed the tradition of Honam region.

1. Both the festival held in Confucian temple to honor Confucius or a religious ceremony in Korean traditional lecture-hall are the sacrificial rituals which is the mark of the respect for prescholars and these rituals has been followed the rules written in the book,'Yaegi' 2. For the Food formal display for the festival in Confusian temple of Chinese Gukjagam, Pebak(clothes), Mohyul(hair and blood), and the ritual food dishes, such as Byun 10, Doo 10, Gang 3 (Deung 1, Hyung 2), Bo 2, Cue 2, Jo 3 (Taeraeu as beef dish 1, Soraeu as sheep and pork dishes 2), Joo(alcohol) 3 were displayed, while in Juhyunhak, Byun 8, Doo 8 were displayed. In Taesangji edited around in 1873 in Korea, for the Confucian shrine Pebak, Mohyul, Byun 10, Doo 10, Deung 3, Hyung 3, Bo 2, Cue 2, Jo 6 (raw 3, cooked 3), Joo 3 were displayed. In pedantry Confucian temple, Pebak, Byun 8, Doo 8, Bo 2, Cue 2, Jo 2 (raw sheep and pork), Joo 3 were displayed while Mohyul was omitted, which this type of display was almost identical through the nationwide survery for the Confucian food display. Some of the Confucian food display, most of the display for Bo and Cue have been changed to Bo 1 and Cue 1, and one fifth of the Confucian display for Byun and Doo also has been changed in the numbers and food varieties. 3. In most of the sacrificial ritual food display in the Korean traditional lecture-hall, Pebak (some not applicable), Byun 4, Doo 4, Bo 1, Cue 1, Jo 1 (raw), Joo 1 were displayed. In these days, the number of the Confucian temple where the sacrificial rituals is not held, has been increased. 4. For the names of food for the Byun and Doo dishes, mostly the old names are used, however, minor changes in materials and cooking method have been found.

Seowon(書院) was an institute for education and sacrificial rite, established privately in rural villages throughout the middle period of the Chosun dynasty(1392-1910), where scholars researched classic studies, cultivated personal characters in accordance with the Neo-Confucianism, nurtured young disciples, and performed rites at a secluded shrine where spiritual tablets of honorees were housed. This study examines the architectural characteristics of Pilamseowon(筆巖書院) in Chans'seong, Chollanamdo Province, Korea. Through the study, the architectural characteristics of Pilamseowon were found as follows: First, Pilamseowon moved twice since it had been established. Second, through the moving, the area of Pilamseowon was expanded and buildings were added. Third, some buildings of Pilamseowon reflect the previous condition of the seowon site. Take Hwakyeonroo(廓然樓) as an example, which is the main entrance pavilion of Pilamseowon. Pavilion is an appropriate type of building in sloped site. Before Hwakyeonroo was moved to the present site, it was located on sloped site, where Hwakyeonroo accordingly took the pavilion type of building. Present site condition of Pilamseowon is plane, nonetheless, Hwakyeonroo has the pavilion type of building, which reflects the previous condition of the building site. Forth, Pilamseowon consists of six spatial domains and each domain has its own entrance gate to outer area.

본 논문은 윤치호가 1885년부터 1888년까지 중국 상해에 머물며 남감리회 미션스쿨인 중서서원에서 수학하던 시기를 그 연구대상으로 삼아, 윤치호가 중서서원에서 받은 근대교육과 종교교육에 대해 살펴보면서, 미션스쿨이 윤치호의 개종에 미친 영향에 대해 고찰해 보는 것을 목표로 하였다. 이에 대해 본 논문은 첫째, 윤치호가 상해에서 수강한 과목들을 당시 중서 서원의 8년 학제에 포함된 교과목들과 비교하면서 윤치호가 그 중 3-6학년 도 과정을 수학한 것을 밝혔으며, 둘째, 중서서원의 종교교육을 검토하면서 중서서원은 세속학교가 아닌 전형적인 미션스쿨로서, 윤치호도 그가 받은 모든 수업에서 성경이 교재로 사용되었고 매일 두 차례씩 종교예식을 갖고 토요일에는 성경강독 수업을 받았음을 살펴보았다. 셋째, 선행연구에서와 달리 윤치호가 처음 예배당에 간 것은 1885년 2월 15일이 아닌 2월 8일이었으며 교회에 데려간 사람은 알렌이 아닌 로얄 선교사였음을 밝혔고, 이를 통해 윤치호가 중서서원에 입학한 직후부터 선교사들의 특별한 선교적 관심을 받았을 가능성이 컸음을 추론하였다. 결국, 윤치호는 윤리적 종교에 대한 개인적 관심 및 근대 사상에 대한 관심에서 스스로 기독교 에 접근하기에 앞서, 이미 미션스쿨의 종교적 학풍과 선교사들의 전략적 전도 과정을 통해 이미 기독교적 환경에 놓이게 되었던 것이었다.

이 글은 月川學團의 초기 성격을 살피기 위해 조목의 합천지역 교유인물과 조목에 대한 도산서원 종향 과정을 고찰한 것이다. 조목은 1598년 1월부터 2년 5개월 동안 합천 군수로 재임하면서 지역 학자들과 교유하였는데, 합천이 來庵 鄭仁弘의 지역적 기반이었던 만큼 정인홍의 문인들을 중심으로 교유가 이루어졌으며, 특히 조목이 尤谷齋에서 『心經講錄』을 강학하면서 이 지역에 퇴계의 학문이 전수되기도 하였다. ‘조목과 정인홍 문인들의 친연성을 월천학단에서는 어떻게 받아들였는가’하는 문제는 󰡔월천집󰡕 판본 비교를 통해 그 대략을 확인할 수 있다. 초고에 해당하는 필사본과 1666년 간행본의 내용을 비교‧검토해 보았을 때 필사본에 수록된 합천과 관련된 기록들이 간행본에는 모두 산삭되어 있었다. 더구나 간행본에는 남명을 추모하는 내용의 ｢聞曺南冥訃｣가 산삭되고 정인홍을 강도 높게 비판한 ｢偶見仁弘南冥集跋語｣가 수록되었다는 점에 주목하면, 간행본의 정리 과정이 정인홍과 그 문인들에 대한 비판적인 입장에서 진행되었으며 이와 반대로 초기의 필사본은 수용의 입장에서 정리되었음을 유추할 수 있다. 한편 조목 사후에 그를 도산서원에 종향하는 과정을 살펴보면, 啓請과 종향·배향에 대해 향촌의 합의가 이루어지지 않아서 종향이 지연되다가 金中淸이 조정에 나아가 직접 啓請을 준비하면서 빠르게 추진되었다. 때문에 종향을 비판하는 일부 인사들은 대북파의 지원이 있었다고 의심했지만, 또한 그것을 확신하지는 못했다. 이 글에서는 대북파와 대립 없이 종향이 공론화 될 수 있었던 데에는 정인홍의 문인들과 친연성을 보이는 조목의 교유활동에 근본적인 원인이 있다고 보았다. 정리하면, 조목 사후 초기에 조목의 문집을 정리했던 문인들은 조목과 정인홍 문인들과의 친연성을 수용하였으며, 이를 바탕으로 종향을 추진하여 대북정권 내에서 무리 없이 공론화 시킬 수 있었던 것이다.