In a situation where the importance of eco-friendly fashion is growing, this study adds to the needed research by analyzing consumption value satisfaction factors, brand image, and repurchase intentions of eco-friendly fashion products. During the investigation, the impact of gender was also accounted for to establish an effective marketing strategy. In June 2024, 250 surveys were evaluated from domestic consumers with experience purchasing eco-friendly fashion products. Descriptive statistical analysis, factor analysis, reliability analysis, and regression analysis were performed. Five factors were measured to determine satisfaction with the consumption value of eco-friendly fashion products: emotional value, functional value, social and situational value, passive value, and rare and eco-friendly value. Empirically subdividing satisfaction with eco-friendly fashion as recognized by consumers reveals meaningful findings about consumption value. Among the factors of consumption value satisfaction with eco-friendly fashion products, functional value, social and situational value, and rare and eco-friendly value all positively affected repurchase intention. The consumer’s gender also made a difference in satisfaction. Considering these results, the marketing effect of eco-friendly fashion can be increased. This study will be able to increase the ESG management effect of fashion companies. By performing ESG management, the fashion industry can achieve social and environmental responsibility along with sustainable growth.

디지털 미디어의 급속한 진화는 광고 콘텐츠 분야에서 혁신적이고 매력적인 시각적 콘텐츠의 필요성을 강조하면서 큰 영향을 미치고 있다. 본 연구는 기술 발전과 창의적인 광고 요구 사 이의 격차를 해소하는 것을 목표로 짧은 이미지 광고를 만드는 데 있어서 생성적 인공 지능 (AI)의 잠재력을 탐구하고자 하였다. 현대 미디어 환경에서 광고 콘텐츠의 형태와 소비 방식이 급변하고 있으며 특히 소셜 미디어와 디지털 플랫폼에서 짧은 형태의 비디오 및 이미지 콘텐 츠의 중요성이 증가하고 있다. 이러한 변화 속에서, 본 연구는 AI 기술을 활용하여 효과적인 애드버콘텐츠 이미지를 생성하는 새로운 방법론을 제시하고자 하였다. 연구는 먼저 생성형 AI 의 기본 이론과 광고 콘텐츠 제작에 있어 주요 요소들을 검토하고 이를 바탕으로, 인공지능을 활용하여 생성된 이미지 콘텐츠를 제안한다. 이 논문은 광고 콘텐츠 제작에 있어 생성형 AI의 가능성을 탐색하고 미디어 콘텐츠 제작의 미래 방향 및 광고 산업에 중요한 시사점을 제공한 다는 점에서 의의를 찾을 수 있다.

The main objective of this research is to investigate the impact of brand image fit on consumer’s perceived luxury, perceived symbolic value, perceived authenticity, and perceived novelty towards fashion brand collaboration. This study uses a qualitative approach to test the research hypotheses. The contribution of this study is twofold: (1) it conceptually advances Congruity Theory and Spillover effect into the area of brand collaboration within a fashion domain; (2) it provides insights into the efficacy of each consumer-related factors which can be used in the development of sound collaboration strategies, in addition to branding and pricing strategies of new fashion brand collaborations.

This study examines how brand-influencer, influencer-users, and user-brand congruences affect perceived fantasy about the influencer and closeness toward the brand when an Instagram ad is endorsed by celebrity (vs. non-celebrity) influencers. The study employed a between-subject online experiment by manipulating an advertisement endorsed by a celebrity and a non-celebrity influencer. The results suggest that congruence between brand-influencer matters in building effective relationships.

The purpose of this study was to investigate brand slognas that are effective in explaining how brand identity affects consumers. The effect of congruity between brand slogan and self-image (low and high) on attitude to slogans and brands were anaylzed. The moderating effect of self-monitoring (low and high) was also investigated. Survey data from 177 people in their 20s-30s were analyzed through descriptive statistics, exploratory factor analysis, and two-way ANOVA. First, congruity between slogan and self-image had a positive effect on both slogan and brand attitude. In other words, the higher the congruity between slogan and self-image, the more positive the attitude toward the slogan and brand. Second, no interactive effect was found in congruity between slogan and self-image and self-monitoring on slogan attitude; however it was identified for brand attitude. Again, in a group with high congruity between slogan and self-image, attitude toward the brand was more positive when self-monitoring was higher than when it was low. In conclusion, brand slogans that can represent the self-image of highly self-monitoring consumers are effective. In particular, this is meaningful as it has revealed its relationship with the impact of identity self-image congruity and self-monitoring on brand attitudes in fashion brands. These results offer meaningful guidance in determining brand slogans according to consumers’ personal characteristics.

In this research, we show certain relationships between brand (company) image and corresponding financial image, which has not revealed well. With considering the results of this research, brand manager will be able to establish their brand strategies more comprehensively and enhance their brand value.

본 연구는 국가와 도시의 브랜드 이미지를 활용한 문화상품 개발을 목적으 로 하고 있다. 연구 목적을 달성하기 위해 먼저 국가와 도시 브랜드 이미지의 개념과 사례, 그리고 문화상품 대한 이론적 논의에 대해 살펴보았고, 이러한 이론적 논의를 바탕으로 실질적인 문화상품 제작과정을 한국과 부산의 도시브 랜드 이미지의 디자인 연구와 한국과 부산 도시브랜드 이미지를 활용한 문화 상품 개발로 구분하여 진행하였다. 브랜드를 다른 상품과의 차별화를 위한 가 치부여라고 정의한다면, 국가와 도시브랜드 역시 차별화에 초점을 두고 있다 고 볼 수 있다. 따라서 국가 브랜드와 도시 브랜드는 특정 국가와 도시가 가지 는 다양한 환경, 기능, 시설, 서비스 등에 의해 다른 국가와 도시로부터 구별되는 상태라고 정의할 수 있다. 그리고 문화상품은 상품화의 가능성이 상대적으 로 낮았던 문화를 원천으로 하여 만들어진 상품으로 일반상품에 비해 상대적 고부가치성을 가진 상품이다. 국가와 도시브랜드 이미지를 입힌 디자인을 기 초로 하는 고부가치성의 문화상품은 국가와 도시를 새롭게 각인시키는 데 긍 정적인 기제로 사용이 가능한 상품이다. 이상과 같은 이론적 논의를 바탕으로 본 연구에서는 한국의 상징과 과거와 현재를 담고 있는 부산의 브랜드 이미지 를 스토리텔링 방법을 적용하여 패턴화 하여 총 200여종의 문화상품을 제작하 였다. 본 연구에서 제작된 한국과 부산의 브랜드 이미지를 활용한 문화상품들 은 기존 한국과 부산의 브랜드 이미지를 강화하는 데 일조할 수 있을 것이며, 관광객들에게 ‘매력적인 방문지로서 한국과 부산’이라는 이미지를 각인시키는 데 긍정적인 효과를 가져다 줄 수 있을 것이라 자평할 수 있다.

스포츠 상품 시장에서 각 브랜드가 소비자에게 미치고자 하는 영향력은 여러 가지 형태로 시도 되었으며, 그 효과 또한 증명되어 가고 있다. 각 브랜드들이 자신들이 활용할 가치가 있다고 판단하여 수립한 다양한 마케팅 전략들이 증명되어가고 있는 것이다. 하지만 최근 나타난 새로운 소비 유형이라 할 수 있는 스포츠 상품 수집가를 활용한 마케팅 전략은 지금껏 그 영향력이 실증적으로 검증된 바가 없었다. 기존의 스포츠 상품 시장에서 나타난 수집 행위에 이해도가 매우 낮았기 때문이다. 어느 정도 한계에 봉착했다고 여겨지는 스포츠 상품 시장에 새로운 마케팅 전략이 필요하다고 판단한 도전적 사고에서 본 연구를 시작하였으며 스포츠 상품 수집가를 활용한 마케팅 전략을 수립함에 있어서 그 영향력이 형성되는 경로를 설정하고 증명하는데 그 목적을 두고 있다. 이 연구의 목적을 달성하기 위하여 가상의 스포츠 상품 수집가의 상품 설명에 대한 자극물을 접한 잠재 소비자 231명을 대상으로 SPSS 21.0과 AMOS 20.0을 이용하여 빈도분석, 신뢰도분석, 상관관계분석 및 확인적 요인분석과 구조방정식을 이용하였다. 이 연구에서 도출된 결과를 바탕으로 하여 스포츠 상품 시장에서 스포츠 상품 수집가들이 보유하고 있는 전문성을 바탕으로 하는 새로운 마케팅 전략의 경로를 발견하였다고 할 수 있으며, 이를 바탕으로 침체된 우리나라 스포츠 상품 시장에 새로운 성장 동력의 하나로 작용할 수 있기를 기대하는 바이다.

This study investigated how the image congruity of social commerce and fashion brand types affects purchase intention and how trust and price sensitivity moderate this relationship. National brands, private brands, and non-brands were used as brand types in the present study. The online survey method was used to gather the data, and 232 data samples were analyzed. The results of the research were as follows. Consumers perceived greater image congruity between social commerce and nonbrands, followed by private brands and national brands. The significant perception differences were examined by comparing the mean values. There was a significant positive effect of image congruity of social commerce and non-brands on purchase intention. However, insignificant effects were found for image congruity between social commerce and private brands and national brands. In addition, trust and price sensitivity positively predicted social commerce purchase intention. A significant moderating effect of trust was found on the relationship between purchase intention and image congruity of social commerce and non-brands. A moderating effect of price sensitivity was found on the relationship between purchase intention and image congruity of social commerce and private brands. The findings of the present study offer valuable insights into social commerce concerning implementing diverse fashion brands as well as academic and practical implications.

Thanks to their competitive price, store brands have important opportunities in emerging countries where customers have greater experience with modern retail products. However, less research has been devoted to the effect of store brand price while it is well known that price image is a critical factor that drives purchase behavior. The aim of this research is to understand how store brand price image factors (relative price, perceived benefit and perceived value) and perceived risk dimensions (functional and financial) affect attitude toward store brands in Colombia. Store brand relative price, store brand perceived benefit and store brand perceived value affect significantly attitude toward store brands in the Colombian context. However, neither store brand perceived functional risk, not store brand perceived financial risk affect attitude toward store brands. These results highlight the specificity of Colombia among emerging countries and have both theoretical and managerial implications.

Continuing the research stream of Gwinner and Eaton (1999) and Kwon, Ratneshwar et al. (2016), this study proposes a 3x2x2 mixed model experiment to extend the investigation of sport sponsorship‟s influence on the image of the sponsoring brand by perceived brand localness. It is assumed that a brand‟s country of origin presents an integral part of its image. Perceived brand localness either ease or hamper the assessment of image congruence with the sponsored entity via the brand‟s country of origin. As a result, the influence is supposed to be larger for brands local in the sponsored team‟s home country, and lower for brands non-local. A further distinction is drawn for nonlocal brands regarding their belonging to either a western or eastern cultural sphere. The influence is supposed to be less low for brands in the same sphere and additionally low for brands in different spheres. Furthermore, the study replicates Kwon, Ratneshwar et al. (2016)‟s finding that the increase in image congruence is moderated by functional similarity in a cross-country setting. The experiment is conducted in Germany, the UK, China, and Japan with a corporate brand‟s shirt sponsoring of a soccer team as stimulus.

Introduction Understanding political brands is a pertinent concern for the British Crown Dependency of Guernsey. Guernsey is a Channel Island, part of the British Isles yet not a member of the European Union. In addition, Guernsey currently has a nonpolitical party system and all thirty-eight Members of Parliament [otherwise known as Deputies] are independent figures. Further, deputies stand as individuals, and members often form informal alliances repeatedly referred to as collections of constantly changing coalitions of support or ‘quasi-political parties’ Guernsey is set to hold an island-wide referendum by March 2018 on the island’s electoral process, moving from seven constituencies to one island-wide constituency. The Guernsey Government believe the 2018 referendum will impact the way Members of Parliament are elected and envisage the creation and introduction of ‘political parties’, or formal alliances in anticipation for the 2020 General Election. The creation and introduction of political parties [political brands] on Guernsey would be unprecedented to the current-historic political environment of a non-party system structured by independent, individual politicians. Further, it is unknown whether the creation and introduction of political ‘party’ brands would have the same appeal, benefits and success compared with independent ‘individual’ political brands. This presents a unique opportunity for the proposed piece of research, which will have an impact as to whether political parties [political party brands] are desired by Guernsey’s elected representatives and Guernsey citizens-voters, and if so, how will new political parties be created and conceptualised. However, in order to address this we need to frame the study within the sub-discipline of political branding. The application of commercial branding theory to politics is nothing new (O’Cass and Voola 2011; O’Shaughnessy and Baines 2009; Rutter et al. 2015). There is a shared understanding that political parties, pressure groups, politicians, candidates and campaigns can be conceptualised as ‘brands’ (Guzman and Sierra 2009; Needham and Smith 2015; Peng and Hackley 2009; Pich et al. 2016; Scammell 2015; Smith 2009). Further, the sub-discipline of political branding has become a ‘critical’ and ‘priority’ issue that warrants continued attention (Speed et al. 2015). The application of branding to politics has been described as the most appropriate way to understand the political ‘product’ and a mechanism to frame the deconstruction process to understand the political promise put forward by political actors (Scammell 2015). Political brands are complex, multi-layered entities which are often difficult to unbundle (Lees-Marshment 2009; Lock and Harris 1996; Phipps et al. 2010). Further, political brands are powerful tools used as a short-cut mechanism to deconstruct the rational and irrational elements of the political offering (Scammell 2015). This is reinforced with continued calls for future research to focus on generating deeper insight into how political brands are developed and understood particularly in new settings and contexts (Needham and Smith 2015; Nielsen 2016; Ormrod and Henneberg 2011; Pich and Dean 2015; Scammell 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Subsequently, the objectives of this study are to: - Investigate how current non-party political brands create, develop and communicate their brand identity from the perspective of elected representatives - Explore how current non-party political brand image is understood from the perspective of Guernsey voters - Ascertain whether elected representatives and Guernsey voters desire political ‘party’ brands for the 2020 General Election. Theoretical Background Political brands can be considered a trinity of elements including the party, leader and policy (Butler et al. 2011; Davies and Mian 2010; Pich and Dean 2015; Speed et al. 2015). The trinity of elements need to ensure clear identification and differentiation from political competitors (Ahmed et al. 2015; Nielsen 2016; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Smith 2008). In addition, effective political brands should be strong, appealing, trustworthy, offer resonance, act as a decision making driver which in turn will support strategy development and build awareness in the mind of voters-citizens (Ahmed et al. 2015; Baines and Harris 2011; O’Cass and Voola 2011). However, the existing literature has tended to focus on ‘party’ political systems and overlooked political brands from non-party political systems where all candidates and politicians are independent candidates and representatives. Nevertheless, what about other typologies of political brands like in non-party systems? In addition, the existing body of knowledge has not explained how political brands exist or develop without the ‘party’ element from the trinity. This proposition is supported the demand for more depth and understanding on political brands especially non-party ‘individual’ political brands [elected representatives] (French and Smith 2010; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Peng and Hackley 2009; Scammell 2015). Despite the calls for more research in this area, there are a few studies that have investigated ‘individual’ political brands. More specifically, studies have focused on politicians or candidates from political ‘parties’ in terms of brand personality, equity, identity or image and often compared ‘corporate’ and ‘individual’ political brands (Cwalina and Falkowski 2014; De Landtsheer and De Vries 2015; Milewicz and Milewicz 2014; Smith and Spotswood 2013; Speed et al. 2015). For example, Smith and Spotswood (2013) comparatively considered the brand equity of the UK Liberal Democrat Party from a corporate and individual-local perspective. Smith and Spotwood (2013) highlighted that successful political brands whether corporate or local-individual) communicated clear expectations, focused values, believable promises to constituents, which is often easier at a local rather than national level. Further, Smith and Spotwood (2013) argued that successful corporate political brands would depend on consistency between corporate and local-individual political brands. However, the work by Smith and Spotswood (2013) was developed from speeches, articles and other discourse rather than from the personal perspective of internal stakeholders. Therefore, more depth and understanding from a multi-stakeholder perspective would reveal greater insight into the individual-local political brand particularly in non-party contexts. Existing political branding research primarily adopts either an internal (Busby and Cronshaw 2015; Cwalina and Falkowski 2014; de Landtsheer and Vries 2015; Milewicz and Milewicz 2014; Smith and Spotswood 2013) or external perspective to frame studies (French and Smith 2010; Peng and Hackley 2009; Phipps et al. 2010). More specifically, research devoted to an internal ‘brand identity’ perspective directs its attention to the political party, candidate or politician. Brand identity can be conceptualised as the current intended projection formulated and communicated by the brand’s creator with the aim of attempting to establish a desired identity in the mind of the consumer (de Chernatony 2007; Kapferer 2008). Further, brand identity can be seen as a useful approach to generate a deep understanding from an internal standpoint and capture the ‘central ideas of a brand and how the brand communicates these ideas to stakeholders’ (de Chernatony 2007:45; Ross and Harradine 2011; Saaksjarvi and Samiee 2011). In contrast, research focusing on an external ‘brand image’ perspective considers the political offering from a citizen-voter orientation (Needham and Smith 20015; Nielsen 2016; O’Cass 2001). Brand image can be considered as the current-immediate associations perceived and formulated in the mind of the consumer, which is often out of control of the brand’s creator (Nandan 2005; Rekom et al. 2006). In addition, brand image is externally created, and manifested through unique associations and perceptions, experiences and expectations linked to physical and intangible elements of a brand (Bosch et al. 2006a; Nandan 2005). Therefore, future research should attempt to capture insight into how political brands develop and communicate identity and how political brands are understood from an internal [revealed by the politician] and external perspective [revealed by the voter] (Baines et al. 2014; Needham and Smith 2015; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Pich and Dean 2015). However, how can we actually comprehend current political brand identity and political brand image? One study that explored an ‘internal-relational orientation’ of several individual political brands was the work by Pich and Dean (2015). Pich and Dean (2015) explored the internal brand identity of UK Conservative Party politicians prior the 2010 UK General Election with the support of Kapferer’s brand identity prism (Kapferer 2008). Further, the work by Pich and Dean (2015) not only revealed the complex related yet distinct nature of individual political brands and their relationship with their ‘corporate Conservative Party’ political brand but also demonstrated the problematic nature of applying the brand identity prism in its original form to deconstruct the internal orientation of a political brand. Pich and Dean (2015) concluded with a revised framework known as the ‘political brand identity network’ and challenged future studies to consider this as a workable tool to understand individual political brands from an internal-relational perspective. However, Pich and Dean (2015) concluded that the ‘political brand identity network’ could also support the understanding of external brand image. Therefore, could the ‘political brand identity network’ aid the exploration of internal political brand identity and external political brand image of non-party political brands? Responding to this gap in the body of knowledge, this research will explore the internal brand identity of an ‘individual’ political brand from the perspective of elected representatives and investigate the external brand image of non-party political brand from the perspective of Guernsey voters. In addition, this study will assess the operationalisation of the ‘political brand identity network’ put forward by Pich and Dean (2015). Further, responding to the challenge from Pich and Dean (2015), this study will assess the usability of the political brand identity network to understand non-party political brand identity and political brand image. This will address the limited development of ‘appropriate models’ and frameworks that can be used to assist political entities in understanding their offering and support strategy development (Nielsen 2015; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Ormrod 2011; Scammell 2015). Confusion and advancement can be addressed by building on existing research by assessing existing models and frameworks in comparison with new settings and contexts (Nielsen 2016; O’Cass 2001; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Ormrod and Henneberg 2011; Scammell 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Research Design As this study aims to explore non-party political brands from a multi-stakeholder perspective, a qualitative interpretivist approach is adopted (Creswell 2007; Welch et al. 2011). This is consistent with the calls across the political branding discipline for more exploratory empirical research (French and Smith 2010; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Peng and Hackley 2009; Scammell 2015). This study will involve two stages. Stage one involves twenty-one semi-structured interviews with current elected Deputies. Deputies from across the eight districts of Guernsey namely; Vale, Vale-West, St Sampson, St Peter Port-North, St Peter Port-South, South East, West and Castel (www.gov.gg) have been selected. Interviews will last between 60-90 minutes and will be conducted by the researchers from March 2018-May 2018. Stage two involves twelve focus group discussions with Guernsey citizens-voters. Focus group discussions will be organised according to voter age group following the conventional approach adopted by research organisitions such as YOUGOV and IPSOS-MORI to explore political brand image. More specifically, this study will adopt purposive sampling framework and Guernsey citizens will be grouped from 18-24, 25-34, 35-44, 45-54, 55-64 and 65+ and each group will serve to frame each focus group discussion (Gillham 2005; Malhotra and Birks 2003). Focus group discussions will be conducted July-September 2018. Pilot interviews and focus group discussions were conducted in October 2017 to assess the usability of the interview-focus group schedules and aided developmentrefinement (Gillham 2005). The ‘political brand identity network’ (Pich and Dean 2015) serves as a conceptual framework to provide some structure the interviews-focus group discussions and be incorporated into the interview-focus group schedules (Gillham 2005; Zikmund 2003).Transcripts from the semi-structured interviews and the focus group discussions will be thematically analysed with the support of Butler- Kisber’s (2010) two-stage analytical approach. Findings The findings from stage one of the study will generate insight on how current nonparty political brands create, develop and communicate their brand identity from the perspective of elected representatives. For example, the findings will highlight how non-party political brands create-develop communication strategies and tactics, the significance of individual political personality as a tool to provide differentiation and whether personal values are used to characterise the brands (Ahmed et al. 2015; Nielsen 2016; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Smith 2008). The findings from stage two of the study will reveal how current non-party political brand image is understood from the perspective of Guernsey voters. For example, the insights linked to political brand image will reveal consistencies and incoherencies with communicated identity and awareness of communication strategies-tactics, personality characteristics and personal-cultural values of Deputies (Pich and Dean 2015). Stage two will also reveal understanding as to whether Guernsey citizens-voters desire political ‘party’ brands. This will address the third objective of the study. This in turn will highlight the ideal conceptualised political brand for Guernsey developed from a multi-stakeholder perspective. Discussion This study will also reveal the relationships between current Deputies and constituents, personal-working relationships with stakeholders across government departments and understanding of attitudes and opinions of political issues such as the introduction of parties. This in turn will introduce first-hand accounts of current non-party political brand identities. In addition, this stage will reveal if the ‘party’ dimension is the only missing element from the triad and provide understanding of the relevance of the ‘policy’ and ‘leader-politician’ dimensions (Butler et al. 2011; Davies and Mian 2010; Pich and Dean 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Further, this study will provide understanding into the relationships between voters and Deputies and highlight the perceptions, associations and imagery Guernsey voters ascribe to non-party political brands (Bosch et al. 2006a; Nandan 2005). This research will also reveal understanding as to whether Guernsey citizens-voters desire political ‘party’ brands. This in turn could result in a reconceptualization of political brands, which extends the political brand triad (Butler et al. 2011; Davies and Mian 2010; Pich and Dean 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Further, a revised definition could be tailored to the unique setting of island communities and this could have implications to other jurisdictions with non-traditional political brands. Finally, the applied findings will address the challenge put forward by Pich and Dean (2015) to assess the usability of the ‘brand identity network’ as a mechanism to explore internal political brand identity and external political brand image. This will go some way in addressing the limited number of ‘appropriate frameworks’ than can be used to assist researchers to understand brands and develop strategies to address any inconsistencies or misalignment between communicated identity and understood image (Nielsen 2015; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Ormrod 2011; Scammell 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Conclusion Subsequently, this study will seek to understand how independent elected representatives currently create and develop political brand identity and explore how Guernsey voters understand political brand image of non-party brands. Further, the findings will highlight a contribution to practice. For example, this study will reveal implications of the introduction of political ‘party’ brands to the prospective of an island-wide voting environment from the perspective of internal [Deputies] and external [citizens-voters] stakeholders. This research will offer internal political stakeholders insight into the perceptions, attitudes and opinions of external citizensvoters in terms of prospective political ‘party’ brands, desired configuration of political ‘party’ brands and highlight whether political ‘party’ brands have a role to play in the reformed electoral process on Guernsey. Further, the findings will offer internal political stakeholders the opportunity to design, create and develop their political brands in line with the wants and needs of the electorate, which in turn should strengthen political engagement, maintain personal relationships between politicians-voters and allow for the establishment of a tailored approach to political brand management in non-traditional political environments. Further, the findings will have a direct impact on the debate as to how Guernsey’s electoral process develops following the 2018 Island Wide Referendum and legislates prior the 2020 Guernsey General Election. The findings will also have implications beyond non-party systems of government for example it may offer existing party-systems of government practical methods and initiatives to strengthen voter engagement and develop stakeholder relationships across jurisdictions and constituencies. This study will also contribute to academic theory. For example, the addressed objectives will offer the researchers an opportunity reconceptualise political brands particularly in non-traditional contexts based on deep insight from the perspectives of citizens-voters, which in turn will allow the sub-discipline of political branding to advance-develop as an area of study (Needham and Smith 20015; Nielsen 2016; O’Cass 2001; Pich et al. 2016; Scammel 2015). In addition, this study will address explicit calls for future research in this area by outlining how independent political brands exist or develop without the ‘party’ element from the trinity assess the applicability of the ‘trinity’ concept to new jurisdictions. Finally, this study will assess the applicability of the ‘political brand identity network’ (Pich and Dean 2015) as a tool to explore internal political brand identity and external political brand image of non-party political brands from a multi-stakeholder perspective.

This conceptual paper drew on the uses and gratifications theory to theorize about what drives consumers to engage in social media activation campaigns. This paper proposed that satisfying the needs for integration and social interaction, personal identity, information seeking, entertainment, and utilitarian reward through a social media activation campaign can enhance consumers‘ engagement with it. Finally the way in which cognitive, affective, and behavioral engagement with such campaigns affect brand image was explained theoretically. The developed conceptual framework can help marketing managers to create engaging social media activation campaigns, thereby improving the image of their brands.