In-beop-dang (因法堂) is a building type that can confirm the complex space composition of the hermitage in the late Joseon Period, which is designed to accommodate various functions such as Buddhist priesthood, living spaces, and auditoriums. These facts have been confirmed mainly through plan analysis in many previous researches. However, such a plan composition has the potential to lead to more in-depth research when dealt with consideration of the Korean traditional wooden structure. In particular, the composition of upper structure in In-beop-dang with Toi-maru in front of the On-dol room can be considered from the perspective of structural response to wooden architecture in the Joseon period after the introduction of Toi-maru. Based on the achievements of these prior studies, this paper was conducted to examine the compositional characteristics, including the upper structure of the Wha-jang-am (華藏庵) In-beop-dang. In order to examine the universal aspects of structural type changes to cope with the complex spatial composition of the In-beop-dang, the cases of an in-mountain hermitage of Kim Nyong-sa(金龍寺) Temple, Geum-seon-dae (金仙臺), Yang-jin-am (養眞庵), and Dae-sung-am (大成庵).

중국은 예로부터 우리나라와 정치, 경제, 문화적으로 가장 가까운 나라였으며, 이 에 따라 중국어는 가장 중요한 외국어로 인식되었다. 우리나라에서는 고려시대에는 통문관(通文館), 조선시대 사역원(司譯院)을 통해 중국어가 교육되었고 四書나 直 解小學과 같은 중국의 경전이나 老乞大, 朴通事와 같은 회화서를 사용했다. 조 선 중기, 왜란과 호란을 겪으면서 실질적인 의사소통에 필요한 교재가 필요함을 깨 달으며 여러 회화서의 개수본(改修本) 뿐만 아니라, 譯語類解와 같은 유해류(類解 類), 즉 분류어휘집도 편찬되었는데 이는 다양하고 풍부한 어휘 학습을 도와 정확한 의사소통에 기여하였다. 이후 19세기에 들어서는 민간에서 중국어 학습 수요가 증가 하여 민간인 저자에 의해 華語類抄, 漢語抄, 華語, 漢談官話와 같은 유해류 서적이 편찬되었다. 이들은 19세기에서 20세기에 이르는 근현대시기 한국과 중국 두나라의 언어사를 조명할 수 있다는 점에서 중요한 의의를 갖는다. 漢談官話는 1902년 필사, 편찬된 것으로 추정되며, 저자는 미상이다. 18개의 부 류(部類)로 나누어 총 613개의 어휘를 실었다. 譯語類解나 華語類抄처럼 천문(天 文)으로 시작하지 않고 인사‧관직 관련 어휘로 시작하고 있으며, ‘一字部’, ‘不字部’, ‘長語類’와 같이 일상생활에서 주로 쓰이는 구어체의 어휘, 어구, 문장 표현을 실어 실용성을 높였다. 어휘 부류 및 뜻풀이의 형식과 내용에서는 기존 유해서의 전통을 계승하면서도, 혁신을 꾀하였다. 각 부에 수록된 어휘는 의미의 상관관계에 따라 연 관성이 있는 표제어끼리 가깝게 배열되었다. 또한, 사용자가 비교적 쉽게 이해할 수 있는 언문(諺文) 대역어(즉 당시의 한국어)와 한자 및 한문을 이용하여 뜻풀이했다. 譯語類解나 華語類抄와 공통적으로 수록된 어휘 비율이 매우 낮아 漢談官話의 저자가 매우 독자적인 시각에서 어휘를 수집, 분류했음을 알 수 있다. 漢談官話의 주음(注音) 측면에서 살펴보면, 見組 성모가 일부 구개음화 되기 전 의 형태인 ‘ㄱ’, ‘ㅋ’으로 기록된 것과 日母가 영성모로 기록된 것은 동북 방언의 영 향을 받은 부분이다. 그러나 來母를 ‘ㄴ’으로 주음 한 것과 같이 당시 한국 한자음을 학습하는 사람들이 범하는 오류에 따라 주음하고, 端組를 ‘ㅈ’혹은 ‘ㅊ’과 같이 한국 한자음에서의 구개음화 현상에 따라 주음하며, ‘兒’을 ‘라’로 기록한 것은 저자의 중 국어 음운학적 지식의 한계에 기인한 것이자, 이 책의 한계를 보여주는 부분이다. 그 러나 漢談官話는 체제, 형식, 어휘, 뜻풀이 면에서 볼 때 기존 유해류 서적과는 뚜 렷한 차별성을 보이는 혁신적인 성격의 유해류 서적이라고 할 수 있으며, 근현대 한 중 양국의 언어사 연구에 있어서 매우 중요한 가치를 지닌다.

사수도(四獸圖)는 각각 동ㆍ서ㆍ남ㆍ북을 상징하는 청룡(靑龍)ㆍ백호(白虎)ㆍ주작(朱雀) ㆍ현무(玄武) 네 신수(神獸)를 그린 그림이다. 사수도는 4~5세기 고구려 고분 벽화에서 나 타나기 시작하여 조선시대까지 장의 미술을 대표하는 화재(畫材)로 소용되었다. 삼국시대 고분과 고려시대 석관을 장식하던 사수도는 유교적 상장례가 정착되고 묘제가 변화한 조선시 대까지 전례되어 왕과 왕비의 재궁(梓宮)이 머무는 망자의 공간을 수호하였다. 재궁을 안치하는 공간에 배설하는 사수도는 망자의 공간을 수호하는 전통적인 의미에 더 해 상장례의 위격을 가르는 대표적인 시각물로, 전례(典例)의 의궤를 철저하게 상고하여 그 려야 하는 전통적이고 보수적인 도상이었다. 그러나 현전하는 흉례도감의궤(凶禮都監儀軌) 에서는 다양한 도상의 사수도가 확인된다는 점에 주목할 필요가 있다. 조선 중기까지 찬궁(攢宮)은 현실 세계와 망자의 공간을 완벽하게 분리하던 밀폐된 공간 이었다. 그러나 현종대 이후 재궁가칠(梓宮加漆)이 의례화되면서 찬궁은 언제나 개폐 가능 한 열린 공간으로 변화한다. 이러한 변화는 주술적 의미가 강하게 남아있던 사수도를 외부에 지속적으로 노출시켜, 비공개성이라는 사수도의 성격이 크게 바뀌는 계기가 되었다. 효종의 국장을 계기로 재궁 자체의 기능은 더욱 강화되고, 동시에 찬궁의 기능은 약화되어 갔다. 이후 숙종 연간 5번의 국상을 치르며 빈전(殯殿)이 설치된 기간 동안 재궁에 가칠을 하는 의례 가 정례화되어갔고, 재궁가칠로 인하여 찬궁의 기능과 형태 또한 변화하게 된다. 이렇듯 사 수도가 배설되던 공간의 변화는 사수도 도상뿐만 아니라 전통적 상징 의미와 위상의 변화를 야기했다. 영조 연간 국가의례 정비와 의례서 편찬 사업으로 사수도는 왕과 왕비의 상장례에서만 사 용되는 의물(儀物)로 상장례의 위격을 가르는 대표적인 시각물로서 기능하였다. 그러나 의 례가 체계적으로 정리되고 형식적으로 변해감에 따라 망자를 수호하는 사신(四神)에서 의례 의 일부이자 찬궁 내부의 방위를 표시하는 서수(瑞獸)로 그 지위가 변화하게 된다. 이러한 변화는 영조대 백호, 주작, 현무의 도상이 실존하는 호랑이, 새, 거북과 같은 모습으로 변화 한 현상과 더불어 정조대까지 목차와 관계없이 의궤의 맨 앞면에 그려졌던 사수도가 순조 즉 위 이후부터는 조성소의궤(造成所儀軌)에 그려진 것을 통해서도 유추해 볼 수 있다. 그럼에도 사수도는 상장례의 위격을 가르는 대표적인 시각물로 의례 과정에서 지속적으 로 소용되었다. 정조의 사친(私親)인 사도세자(思悼世子)와 혜경궁(惠慶宮), 순조의 사친 인 가순궁(嘉順宮)의 원소도감의궤(園所都監儀軌)와 빈궁혼궁도감의궤(殯宮魂宮都監儀 軌)에서는 예장(禮葬)의 위격에 맞지 않는 찬궁과 사수도 도설이 확인된다. 의궤 속 화려한 채색 도설로 남아있는 사수도는 어떤 기록보다도 왕의 사친의 상장례가 일반적인 예장과 달 랐음을 보여주는 뚜렷한 시각적 전거(典據)가 되었을 것이다.

조선 후기 붉은 안료 ‘왜주홍’은 위계성을 갖는 특수한 물질이었다. 왜주홍이 사용된 곳은 왕실 최고위 신분층과 관련한 것으로 한정되었는데, 국가 의례에서조차 쉽게 사용되지는 못 했다. 왜주홍은 위계성을 갖는 물질이었던 만큼, 임금은 왕실 행사에서 자신의 권위와 위계성을 강조하는 목적으로 직접 왜주홍을 내하(內下) 하기도 하였다. 왕은 자신의 왕위 계승의 정당 성을 표방하고 정치적 입지를 굳히고자, 스스로 주최하는 국가 행사에서 ‘왜주홍’의 사용량 을 특별히 늘리고자 하였고, 이것은 간혹 위계에 따른 물질 사용의 규율 범위를 넘어서기도 하였다. 이를 밝히기 위해, 논문에서는 먼저 문헌을 통해 왜주홍이 ‘위계성을 갖는 물질’임을 설명 한다. 문헌을 통해 주묵정칠(朱墨正漆) 사용의 신분층과 실제 왕실로 들어온 왜주홍의 양이 많지 않았던 사실을 근거로 제시한다. 이어서 ‘위계성을 갖는 왜주홍의 활용’에 관해 집중적으로 살펴보았다. 1725년~대한제 국선포 이전(1894년, 고종 31) 기간의 349건 의궤에서 왜주홍 사용량을 추출하여 데이 터화하고 이를 기초자료로 삼았다. 그리고 자료에서 왜주홍이 특별하게 많이 사용된 국가 행 사를 선별하여, 그 행사의 시대적 배경과 행사 주최자인 왕의 의도를 파악하고자 한 것이다. 그 시대적 배경을 요약하면 다음과 같다. 1) 임금의 생부와 생모가 왕이나 왕후에 오르지 못했을 때 그 위계를 높이고자 하는 경우, 2) 수렴청정했거나 임금 자신의 즉위를 도왔던 왕후의 위계를 높여 왕권을 강화시키고자 하는 경우, 3) 임금이 수렴청정에서 벗어나 친정하게 된 것을 표방하거나 즉위 30년을 자축하는 경우, 4) 왕실 고위 신분층들의 연향, 5) 임금의 임어(臨御) 건물 영건 등으로 요약할 수 있었다. 이를 통해, ‘왜주홍’은 왕실에서 위계와 권위를 표방하는 ‘특수 물질로써 활용’되었음을 확인할 수 있었다.

Based on the experience of building ‘Waegwan(倭館)’ in Busan, Japanese paper wallpapering, the use of square rafters, and the installation of sliding windows were used in the construction of Joseon palaces from the 17th century onwards. Elements that could be applied through observation alone were applied first, and sliding windows that required precise skill acquisition were installed later. ‘Yeongchang(影窓)’, which refers to a sliding window that brightens an interior, has spread rapidly, and its types and structures have also become more diverse. Gradually, ‘Yeongchang’ came to refer only to additional windows installed by attaching grooves to the lintel of existing casement windows. The sliding window that is installed independently and acts as an interior partition was renamed ‘Chujangja(推障子)’. Japanese architectural elements such as ‘Yeongchang’ and ‘Chujangja’ have become an element of traditional Korean architecture.

Haeju was home to the Hwanghae-do Provincial Office and a hub for supporting the northwestern regions of Korea. Local commerce expanded in Haeju during the late Joseon period based on its abundant resources and regional products, leading it to evolve into a large city. King Seonjo temporarily resided in Haeju while seeking refuge from the Japanese Invasions of Korea, and Yi Yi (sobriquet: Yulgok) secluded himself in Seokdam in Haeju in his later years. King Seonjo’s residence in Haeju and Yi Yi’s retirement there boosted interest in the city among the literati and influenced its places of scenic beauty. The development of its local history and literary achievements were documented in a wide variety of historical records and visual materials. Eight scenic views in Haeju became famous through a poem written by Seong Su-ik in the late sixteenth century. Around the mid-eighteenth century, eight new scenic views became popular. Local officials and travelers from other regions produced a vast body of prose and poetry focusing on the landscape and society of Haeju, playing a crucial role in raising awareness of its scenic attractions. Most surviving visual materials related to Haeju were created in and after the nineteenth century. Many of them illustrate both landscapes and the everyday lives of people. Among them, paintings of scenic spots created by Jeong Seon (sobriquet: Gyeomjae), who never actually visited Haeju in person, raises some of the issues posed by relying on indirect materials. In contrast, Eight Scenic Views of Haeju, which is presumed to have been produced by a local painter, appears to have accurately highlighted the characteristics of each scenic spot. Moreover, Haejudo, a folding screen presenting a panoramic view of Haeju, incorporates content from paintings depicting eight scenic views, in this case Eight Scenic views of Haeju. This practice can be observed in visual materials of other provincial cities.

The purpose of this paper is to examine how late Joseon art scene interpreted and reflected the concept of “The four masters of Yuan dynasty (元四大家, from this out I’ll mark it as a Yuan-sadaega)” into landscape paintings during the late 18th to the first half of the 19th century. This study employs a comparative approach, analyzing paintings created during this period in Korea and China, particularly those featuring Yuan-sadaega, while also investigating written records. The understanding of the Yuan-sadaega and their paintings began through the early 17th century Gosi's painting manuals(顧氏畵譜). Through Heo Guseo (許九敍)'s works and literary records, It can be observed that the perception of Yuan sadaega's artworks and artistic aspects during at least the late 18th century was established within the art community. Notably, a distinct shift in the understanding of painters and the composition of Yuan-sadaega is observed in the trends of the late 18th and first half of the 19th century. In the late 18th century, the use of dwelling in the mountain(山居) image into landscapes in Yuan-sadaega compositions is evident, particularly in works by artists like Won Myeong-ung(元命雄) and Jeong Su-yeong(鄭遂榮). This trend is rooted in the contemporaneous significance of the art scene that produced a variety of paintings with the theme of ‘benevolence and daily life and in the shared understanding of the Yuan-sadaega as recluse(隱士) within the artistic community. This collective perception of the Yuan-sadaega seems to have been influenced by the influx of theories and writings on painting by Dong qi chang(董其昌) and by the circulation of painting manuals. The early 19th century, a new a new type of painting emerged alongside Bangjak(倣作, paintings of creative imitation) about the Yuan-sadaega, known as ‘Bangjak about Yuan dynasty painters(倣元人山水圖). Through the works of Kim Jeong-hee(金正喜) and Heo Ryeon(許鍊), it is noteworthy that various scenes are depicted under the same theme. This reflects the establishment of universal values and standards for literary painting within the art community. This process led to the term ‘Ni-hwang(倪黃, abbreviation of Ni zan and Hwang gong wang)’ emerging and the concept expanding under the term ‘Yuan-in’ (元人, the symbol of Yuan art scean). As a result, the desired artistic style pursued by the contemporary artistic community was encompassed under the universal concept of ‘Yuan-in,’ and ‘Bangjak about Yuan dynasty painters’ came to embody this comprehensive theme

In the late Joseon Dynasty, the floor of the royal palace was covered with grass mat called ji-ui. Ji-ui was produced by connecting several mats named seokja(席子) and trimming the edge with narrow fabric named seon (縇). The standard manufacturing technique was to connect the shorter sides of the seokjas by overstitching them. A room was covered with either single or multiple ji-uis, depending on the case. In the case of the main and the subsidiary halls (jeong-jeon and pyeon-jeon, respectively) where the king conducted official meetings with the civil servants, multiple ji-uis were laid out to signify the division of space, which reflected the ceremonial aspects of the governing acts. The most essential division was the distinction of yeong-wae(楹外) and yeong-nae(楹內), with the jeon-goju (a tall frontal pillar inside the hall) functioning as the breakpoint. Jeong-jeon was divided into four spaces each covered with one ji-ui: yeong-nae, yeong-wae, and the left and the right sides of the royal seat named jwa-tap(座榻). Pyeon-jeon was covered with three ji-uis that divided the hall into three spaces: yeong-nae, yeong-wae, and hu-twae(後退) (the hind section) where the royal seat was placed on.

본 연구는 조선 후기 풍속도를 바탕으로 조선 후기전문 유랑 연희패들이 국가무형문화재로 지정된 남사당놀이 여섯 종목 형 성에 미친 영향을 살펴보았다. 연구 방법은 문헌 연구를 중심 으로 이루어졌으며, 연구 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, <기산풍속도>에서 꼭두각시놀음은 ‘박첨지 놀음’과 ‘산대패 노는 모양’으로 기록되어 있다. 이때, 꼭두는 후뇌를, 각 시는 어린 소녀를 의미한다. 남사당놀이에서는 꼭두각시놀음을 ‘덜미’라고 부르는데, 인형의 목 뒷덜미(후뇌)를 잡고 공연하는 특징이 반영된 용어이다. 둘째, 〈봉사도〉와 〈알성시은영연도〉에는 ‘땅재주’와 ‘대접 돌리기’가 한 무대에서 동시에 공연되는 모습이 담겨있다. 즉, 이 연희들은 민간 부분뿐만 아니라, 국가의 중요 행사에서 공 연되는 놀이로 대중들의 인기를 받는 것으로 보인다. 남사당놀 이에서 ‘땅재주’는 ‘살판’으로, ‘대접 돌리기’는 ‘버나’로 명칭 된 다. 셋째, 줄타기는 연희 전에 고사를 지내는 특징이 있다. <기 산풍속도>에서 줄꾼은 창배(倡俳) 혹은 창부(倡夫)로 기록되어 있다. 남사당놀이 줄타기는 줄꾼이 여성이라는 특징이 있다. 남 사당놀이에서는 줄타기를 ‘어름’이라고 한다. ‘줄-어름’이란 단 어에서 ‘줄’이 생략된 형태로, ‘어름’이란 ‘(줄을) 탄다’는 ‘보삭 (步索)’의 의미이다. 넷째, <기산풍속도>에는 ‘탈놀이’의 전체적인 연희 분위기와 각 탈의 특징을 확인할 수 있는 다양한 도상이 존재한다. ‘탈놀 이’는 야간에 공연되는 특징이 있다. 남사당놀이에서는 ‘탈놀이’ 를 ‘덧뵈기’라고 부르고 있으나, 1960년대는 ‘덧보기’로 지칭되어 있으며, 해학적이고 사회 풍자적인 내용으로 구성되어 있다. 다섯째, 풍물놀이는 농악과 관련 있는 부분이다. 조선 시대 ‘사당’은 여성, ‘거사’는 남성을 의미한다. <기산풍속도>의 화제를 통해서 보면, 사당패는 여성 중심의 연희패였으며, 이후 남 성 중심 연희패가 생기면서 남사당패가 형성된 것을 알 수 있 다. 또한, 풍물 연희 중에 하나로 펼쳐지는 ‘무동놀이’의 '무동' 의 의미는 어깨 위에 올라가서 연희를 하는 ‘무등’의 의미로 사 용되었다. 즉, 현재 국가무형문화재로 지정된 남사당놀이의 여 섯 종목은 다양한 19세기 유랑 연희집단이 해체되고 통합되는 과정에서 영향을 받아 형성된 것으로 볼 수 있다. 본 연구는 무형문화재로 등록된 남사당놀이 여섯 종목 형성 에 미친 조선 후기 다양한 연희패들의 영향력을 분석한 것으 로, 남사당놀이 여섯 종목의 의미 분석 및 복원을 위한 기초자 료로 활용되는 데 의의가 있다.

This study was prepared for the purpose of restorative consideration such as the construction background, scale, and location of buildings by comparing the historical materials of two countries, Korea and Japan, focusing on Choryanggaeksa. Choryanggaeksa was a building with a special purpose installed in Dongnaebu in the late Joseon Dynasty, and was also a space exclusively for Japanese envoys. When Choryangwaegwan, the only place of diplomacy and trade with Japan in the late Joseon Dynasty, moved in 1678, Choryanggaeksa was also built and continued until its function ceased due to the modern opening of the port. As diplomacy and trade with Japan take place in the category of Choryangwaegwan, the existence of an interpreter takes an important place. Therefore, Seongsindang, a space for interpreters, was built near Choryanggaeksa. When the modern port opened in 1876, Choryanggaeksa and Seongsindang lost their original function, but the building remained. However, after the 1890s, a Superintendent office was built on the site of Choryanggaeksa, and a school was established on the site of Seongsindang. It was destroyed when the site of Choryanggaeksa and Seongsindang was converted during the opening of the port, and its remains cannot be found today due to urbanization.

A literature study was conducted on the management of the pavilion of the royal tomb in the late Joseon Dynasty, focusing on “Gakneung Suri Deungnok(Records relating to the repair of royal tombs)”. This study analyzed the royal tomb management system, organized the types of damage identified in the building, and examined how the damage status was recorded by type. In the above, the records related to the 1675∼1713 repair of three JeongJaGak(Geonwonneung, Sungneung, and Mokneung), which are registered as state-designated cultural properties, are summarized in three aspects: management system, damage status, and expression words. The results of the study are as follows. First, the royal tomb pavilion was regularly inspected by Observator(觀察使) in spring and autumn, and Surunggwan(守陵官) every 5th, and Servant(守僕) regularly inspected every day and night, and also inspected and reported emergency cases of natural disasters or unexpected damage. Second, the damage status of each building was continuously observed and reported for the continuous maintenance of the buildings in the royal tomb. A total of 75 records of damage to the three royal tombs' pavilion were found to have been most frequently inspected, including 19 cases (25.3%), 14 cases (18.7%), 23 cases (30.7%) of the roof, and 19 cases (25.3%) of the roof. Third, the expression of the damage status is confirmed in various ways, such as separation, separation, burst, damage, excitation, moisture, leakage, and exfoliation. Among them, the main damage records were confirmed due to the separation of the base from the peeling, the furniture, cracks, leaks, leaks in the roof, and the collapse of the roof was able to check the damage records.

This study investigated the stone Angbu-ilgu (scaphe sundial) of the Korea Meteorological Administration (KMA) and the Seoul Museum of History (SMH). Since the first Angbu-ilgu was produced in Korea in 1434 (the year of the reign of King Sejong), Angbu-ilgu has been reproduced with various materials. The upper surface of these two stone Angbu-ilgus symbolizes the horizon. On the hemisphere concave at the center of the horizon, the South Pole, the time line, and the season line are engraved. On the horizon of both the KMA and SMH Angbu-ilgus, the schematic, typeface, and composition of the inscription completely coincide with each other. In this study, it was estimated that the appearance of the KMA Angbu-ilgu, which was damaged at some point previously at least once, was similar to that of the SMH Angbu-ilgu, and this means that it is superficially similar with Treasure No 840, the stone horizontal sundial. In the concave hemisphere of both the stone Angbu-ilgus of the KMA and SMH, there are hour lines and 24 solar-term lines (13 line), and there is an intersection point where these lines meet the horizon, respectively. It can be verified that these intersections of these two Angbu-ilgus can be calculated as having a latitude of +37°39′15″. The hour lines of the two stone Angbu-ilgus show that they were made after about 1900.

This study aims to investigate and reveal the spatial structure of Boryeonghyeon by examining the geographical status of its Eupchi (Local administrative center:邑治) through an analysis of the location, tracing locations of governemnt offices including Dongheon(東軒) and Kaeksa(客舍) in the walled town, and checking the lot numbers of Sajikdan(社稷壇), Yeodan(厲壇), and Cheongyeonyeok(靑淵驛) outside it. Buildings of Boryeonghyeon in the walled town in the Joseon Dynasty were almost lost and now, part of the city wall and Haesanru(海山樓) just remains as relic. The walled town consisted of several buildings of government offices as well as Dongheon and Kaeksa which are government organs. Altar and shrine(壇廟) facilities including Shrine of Confucius(文廟), Altar of Land and Grain, and Preceptor's Shrine were placed outside the walled town and Cheongyeonyeok were operated as the facilities for transmission of royal orders. Therefore, the government office facilities in the walled town, altar and shrine facilities outside the fortress, and the location of the post station were required to trace and check each of them. For the checking method, the lot numbers could be checked by checking the original cadastral maps and the then land categories and owners, analyzing the records and circumstances of the relevant township annals(邑誌), and examining analyses on the locations by using a numerical map of one to 5 thousands. The study estimated the locations of government facilities including Dongheon and Kaesa placed in the walled town and was grasped to be the east and west gates with the south gate which remains now in the fortress. And the lot numbers of Sajikdan, Yeodan, Cheongyeonyeok.

This is a comparative study of Byung-Kwa-Ryu (Korean rice cake and cookie) of the Chungcheon Province Area in the late Joseon Dynasty, based on「Jusiksiui」 in the late 1800s,「Eumsikbangmunnira」 in 1891, and 「Banchandeungsok」 in 1913. This study was also compared with the recipes of「Suunjapbang」 of 1540,「Eumsikdimibang」 of around 1670, 「Siuijeonseo」, and Gyuhabchongseo of the late 1800s. As for the Byung-Kwa-Ryu(Korean rice cake and cookie) introduced in the recipe book,「Eumsikbangmunnira」 recorded the most with 18 types of rice cakes and two types of Korean sweets, followed by「Jusiksiui. There were 14 types of rice cakes, and two types of Korean sweets. 「Banchandeungsok」 had eight types ofrice cakes and six types of Korean sweets. Yogi-tteok in「Jusiksiui」 and「Banchandeungsok」 were foods that could not be found in other recipes. Yakgwa and Jeungpyeon were in all three books as well as 「Eumsikdimibang」. These were also included in「Siuijeonseo」 and were introduced to most cookbooks. The materials used and the method of making it differed for each recipe. Many studies on cookbooks have focused on the Yeongnam region so far. This study served as an opportunity to confirm the dietary life data of the Chungcheong-do region through a review of the recipe books containing food from the Chungcheong-do region. In addition, it was possible to examine the ingredients and cooking methods used in each cookbook at the time through comparative analysis with the cookbooks in the Yeongnam region.

This study aims to examine the changes in Pyongyang-bu during the late Joseon period and Pyeong-an Gamyeong through gazetteer, pictiroal maps and various literature. The results are as follows. To begin with, unlike other gamyeong, Pyongyang-bu had an exclusive government office facility from the beginning and had a different status because of the route for envoys from Ming. Therefore historical sites related to Gija were important. Second, the importance of Pyongyang city-wall increased even more through the Japanese Hideyoshi invasions in 1592 and the Manchu Invasion in 1636. However, since the post-war restoration was insufficient they focused on defense reducing the size of Pyongyang city wall. Third, as society stabilized, Pyongyangbu's finances were greatly secured. King Sukjong systematically reorganized Pyongyang city wall and facility of Pyongy-an gamyeong. The nothern wall in located high place, Gamyeong and storage in middle height and military force and guesthouse in the center of Pyongyang-bu. I-a and warehouse facilities in the far south were placed around the Daedonggwan. The urban structure that runs from Daedonggwan to Daedongmun was the same as other city. Another pertinent point is Pyeong-an gamyeong had more military facilities and rear garden and pavilion than before. In clunclusion, Pyeong-an gamyeong did not pass through three gates, but only through two gates. And it was characterized by more various space and having more pavilions than other gamyeong.