The public safety management guidelines were introduced in 2019 and continue to be dedicated to advancing comprehensive measures for public safety management, with a primary focus on prioritizing the safety and well-being of the public within governmental institutions. To achieve this goal, our previous study developed a establishment procedure of risk assessment-based safety inspection system for public institutions that order construction projects and applied it to highway construction projects to evaluate its effectiveness. To enhance the practicality of the establishment procedure, it is essential to collect and analyze feedback from stakeholders regarding its performance and suitability. This study conducted a survey involving 200 participants who had experience with the establishment procedure, and performed statistical analyses to evaluate its performance and applicability. The survey results indicated that the participants reported a high level of satisfaction (scoring 4 and above on a 5-point Likert scale) in several areas: specialization of safety inspection items for different types of work (with a satisfaction rate of 65%), the evaluation process for safety ratings (64.5%), and their willingness to recommend the procedure to other institutions (75.5%). In the factor analysis with Varimax rotation, two factors emerged: (1) a specialization factor related to safety inspection items, and (2) a grading factor associated with safety evaluation results. Regression analyses of these factors unveiled significant positive relationships with improvements in safety and health performance, including the prevention of fatal accidents, heightened safety responsibility, and raised safety inspection standards. The establishment procedure of safety inspection system developed in our previous study can play a crucial role in reducing accidents resulting in fatalities and injuries at construction sites, ultimately contributing to a safer working environment for all involved parties.

This study aims to capture the impact of stakeholder-oriented corporate actions on consumer purchasing behavior, a factor directly related to business performance. I found that consumers' purchase intentions improved when they were aware of a company's social action of downsizing its Russian operations in response to Russia's invasion of Ukraine.

The decommissioning of Kori Unit 1 is expected to generate a large amount of clearance waste. Disposing of a large amount of clearance waste is economically costly, so a recycling method has emerged. However, clearance waste recycling is expected to cause many conflicts among various stakeholders. In the previous study, possible conflicts were selected in consideration of the domestic environment and major issues. Based on this, this study classifies stakeholders involved in conflicts by group, and suggests ways to enhance understanding by stakeholder and enhance reliability. In this study, stakeholders are classified into four groups that share the same conflicts, and each of the following measures is suggested. 1) Stakeholder Engagement. 2) Common understanding of radiation risks, dialogue between the public/recycling industry/ regulatory agency. 3) Incentives to promote recycling clearance waste. 4) Reliable outlet store for recyclable clearance waste. The above understanding enhancement measures are presented so that a solution to conflict can be smoothly derived when designing a clearance waste-related consultative body composed of interested parties in the future. As a more specific solution, measures to enhance stakeholder trust can be suggested for each understanding enhancement measure. Reliability enhancement measures are also presented so that they can be applied to each stakeholder group, and these are as follows. 1) Write a stakeholder engagement plan, Measures for stakeholder participation in measuring the radioactivity concentration of clearance waste. 2) Active use of easy-to-understand radioactivity comparison data, Expansion of information on environmental radiation dose to public, nuclear/radiation education, Held a tour event at the nuclear power plant decommissioning site, New website for clearance waste information disclosure. 3) Incentives for recycling industries in which the Ministry of Environment or KHNP partially bears the losses that occur when the sales rate is low. Incentives are provided to consumers by including recyclables of clearance waste for Green Card’s green consumption points. 4) Online outlets open for recyclable clearance waste with easy-to-understand radioactivity comparison data. It is expected that if the above-mentioned reliability enhancement measures are used, it will be possible to secure the trust of stakeholders and reduce the gap between stakeholders in the future clearance-related consultative body.

A large spectrum of possible stakeholders and important factors for safety improvement during decommissioning of nuclear facilities should be identified. Decommissioning includes additional aspects which are of interest to a wider range of stakeholders. The way in which local communities, the public in general, and a wide range of other parties are engaged in dialogue about decommissioning of nuclear facilities is likely to become an increasingly important issue as the scale of the activity grows. Timely stakeholder involvement may enhance safety and can encourage public confidence. Stakeholder engagement may result in attention to issues that otherwise might escape scrutiny. Public confidence is improved if issues that are raised by the public are taken seriously and are carefully and openly evaluated. Experience in many countries has shown that transparency can be an extremely effective tool to enhance safety performance. It sets out the development and implementation of an effective two-way process between the organization and stakeholders. Meaningful engagement is characterized through a flow of communication, opinions and proposals in both directions and the use of collaborative approaches to influence and explain decisions. The process is one in which an organization learns and improves its ability to perform meaningful stakeholder engagement while developing relationships of mutual respect, in place of one-off consultations. The evolving nature of this process is particularly relevant to pipeline projects, which will have differing stakeholder engagement requirements at each phase of the project lifecycle. Activity undertaken at all stages of the process should be documented to ensure engagement success can be reviewed and improved and to ensure historical decisions or engagements are captured in case stakeholders change during the progression of time and previous consultation records are required.

이 연구에서는 현행 복구비 산출체계의 문제점 및 원인을 도출하기 위해 이해관계자를 대상으로 설문조사를 실시하였다. 그 결과, 회신된 181건의 설문지 중에서 75%가 공무원 집단, 25%가 비공무원 집단으로 분류되었다. 업무수행 경력의 경우 공무원 집단에서는 1~3년(39%)이, 비공무원 집단에서는 10년 이상(73%)이 가장 높은 점유율을 차지하여 상이하게 나타났으나, 현행 복구비 산출체계에 대한 이해도는 두 집단 모두 동일한 수준으로 분석되었다. 두 표본집단을 대상으로 복구비 산출체계의 토지이용 유형(산지전용(일시사용)허가⋅신고지(광물채굴지 제외), 토석채취(매각) 지 및 광물채굴지) 및 산지경사 등급(10° 미만, 10~20°, 20~30°, 30° 이상) 분류에 관한 인식을 파악한 결과, 공무원 집단은 비교적 적절하다는 의견을 나타낸 반면 비공무원 집단은 보통 수준 이하의 의견을 나타내 현행 토지이용 유형 및 산지경사 등급을 목적사업 이후의 개변된 산지상황에 부합되도록 보다 세분화할 필요가 있을 것으로 사료된다. 이러한 분류에 따르는 현행 1㎡당 복구비 산정기준 금액에 대해 두 집단이 적당하다 또는 그 이하로 평가하였으나, 비공무원 집단에서는 특히 토석채취(매각)지 및 광물채굴지의 복구비 산정기준 금액이 과하다는 의견을 표하기도 하였다. 이는 매년 물가상승률에 준하여 추가로 복구비를 예치해야 하는 경제적 부담이 원인으로 작용한 것으로 추정된다. 한편, 복구비 산정을 위한 17가지 기준공종의 적정성에 대해 특히 비공무원 집단의 다수가 의문점을 제기하였는데, 수로공 및 녹화공에 해당하는 떼누구막이 적용빈도가 가장 낮았다. 다만, 적용빈도가 가장 높은 공종인 비탈다듬기는 떼누구막이에 이어 적용빈도가 낮은 공종으로도 선정됐는데, 이는 대집행으로 산지복구가 이루어질 경우에는 토공작업이 선행되는 반면 자력으로 이루어졌을 경우 이미 토공작업이 완료된 시점에서 복구설계가 이루어지기 때문이다. 실제로 시행된 복구공사에서도 토공 또는 사면안정공에 소요되는 비용이 가장 많았으며, 복구설계 승인기준에 적합하지 않게 훼손된 대집행 복구공사지 에서는 오히려 복구비 부족의 원인이 되기도 하였다. 이 연구의 결과는 현행 복구비 산출체계에 관한 제도적 개선의 필요성을 보여준다.

Professional sport leagues are both commercial products and public products. As China’s sports leagues transition from state-governed properties to a more commercial model, professional sports are facing a crucial turning point on balancing stakeholders pertaining to its commercial/market value and social value. How to develop a sustainable business and management model of professional sports teams, fitting Chinese culture and the calls on free economy, has become a major challenge to scholars, practitioners and entrepreneurs in China’s sport industry. Every organisation has its relationships with many groups ("stakeholders") that affect and are affected by its decisions, which are dynamic in a constantly changing world. Stakeholder theory was developed through concerns regarding the nature of these relationships in terms of both processes and outcomes for both organisation and stakeholders, and the changing nature of the environment.

Despite the growing interest towards stakeholder marketing, research aimed at understanding how the marketing function may engage with the different company’s stakeholders (beyond the customers) for value creation is still scant. Therefore, new horizons need to be explored in search for research avenues and effective practices that may entrust a concrete role for stakeholders in marketing. Among the strategic assets that may be used to strengthen relationships with both internal and external stakeholders, corporate heritage emerges as potentially one of the most interesting. Indeed, scholars and practitioners have widely acknowledged the strategic value of heritage, a multifacets construct considered as a specific attribute of corporate identity able to connect past, present and future and inspiring solidity and credibility in different audiences. Thus, heritage has become the core of a specific marketing literature stream. However, the possibility of using corporate heritage (at strategic and operational level) to engage different stakeholders seems to have been little explored to date. This study aims at investigating corporate heritage as a vehicle of multi-stakeholder engagement, through an in-depth analysis of 20 long-lived Italian firms that stand out for the wise use of heritage marketing strategies. Specifically, we adopted an inductive approach to uncover the process of heritage marketing followed by the investigated companies. Thus, the study helps to interpret and deepen the role of corporate heritage as a platform for stakeholder engagement, according to an integrated, strategic and multi-stakeholder perspective that has been to a large extent neglected by previous literature; furthermore, it presents an ideal decomposition of the strategic process of heritage marketing in key stages, with a precise indication of the stakeholder engagement opportunities referred to each stage; finally, it presents a categorization of the main tools and activities that companies may use to convey their historical and cultural heritage to the different stakeholders, both in and out of the business domain.

Introduction Understanding political brands is a pertinent concern for the British Crown Dependency of Guernsey. Guernsey is a Channel Island, part of the British Isles yet not a member of the European Union. In addition, Guernsey currently has a nonpolitical party system and all thirty-eight Members of Parliament [otherwise known as Deputies] are independent figures. Further, deputies stand as individuals, and members often form informal alliances repeatedly referred to as collections of constantly changing coalitions of support or ‘quasi-political parties’ Guernsey is set to hold an island-wide referendum by March 2018 on the island’s electoral process, moving from seven constituencies to one island-wide constituency. The Guernsey Government believe the 2018 referendum will impact the way Members of Parliament are elected and envisage the creation and introduction of ‘political parties’, or formal alliances in anticipation for the 2020 General Election. The creation and introduction of political parties [political brands] on Guernsey would be unprecedented to the current-historic political environment of a non-party system structured by independent, individual politicians. Further, it is unknown whether the creation and introduction of political ‘party’ brands would have the same appeal, benefits and success compared with independent ‘individual’ political brands. This presents a unique opportunity for the proposed piece of research, which will have an impact as to whether political parties [political party brands] are desired by Guernsey’s elected representatives and Guernsey citizens-voters, and if so, how will new political parties be created and conceptualised. However, in order to address this we need to frame the study within the sub-discipline of political branding. The application of commercial branding theory to politics is nothing new (O’Cass and Voola 2011; O’Shaughnessy and Baines 2009; Rutter et al. 2015). There is a shared understanding that political parties, pressure groups, politicians, candidates and campaigns can be conceptualised as ‘brands’ (Guzman and Sierra 2009; Needham and Smith 2015; Peng and Hackley 2009; Pich et al. 2016; Scammell 2015; Smith 2009). Further, the sub-discipline of political branding has become a ‘critical’ and ‘priority’ issue that warrants continued attention (Speed et al. 2015). The application of branding to politics has been described as the most appropriate way to understand the political ‘product’ and a mechanism to frame the deconstruction process to understand the political promise put forward by political actors (Scammell 2015). Political brands are complex, multi-layered entities which are often difficult to unbundle (Lees-Marshment 2009; Lock and Harris 1996; Phipps et al. 2010). Further, political brands are powerful tools used as a short-cut mechanism to deconstruct the rational and irrational elements of the political offering (Scammell 2015). This is reinforced with continued calls for future research to focus on generating deeper insight into how political brands are developed and understood particularly in new settings and contexts (Needham and Smith 2015; Nielsen 2016; Ormrod and Henneberg 2011; Pich and Dean 2015; Scammell 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Subsequently, the objectives of this study are to: - Investigate how current non-party political brands create, develop and communicate their brand identity from the perspective of elected representatives - Explore how current non-party political brand image is understood from the perspective of Guernsey voters - Ascertain whether elected representatives and Guernsey voters desire political ‘party’ brands for the 2020 General Election. Theoretical Background Political brands can be considered a trinity of elements including the party, leader and policy (Butler et al. 2011; Davies and Mian 2010; Pich and Dean 2015; Speed et al. 2015). The trinity of elements need to ensure clear identification and differentiation from political competitors (Ahmed et al. 2015; Nielsen 2016; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Smith 2008). In addition, effective political brands should be strong, appealing, trustworthy, offer resonance, act as a decision making driver which in turn will support strategy development and build awareness in the mind of voters-citizens (Ahmed et al. 2015; Baines and Harris 2011; O’Cass and Voola 2011). However, the existing literature has tended to focus on ‘party’ political systems and overlooked political brands from non-party political systems where all candidates and politicians are independent candidates and representatives. Nevertheless, what about other typologies of political brands like in non-party systems? In addition, the existing body of knowledge has not explained how political brands exist or develop without the ‘party’ element from the trinity. This proposition is supported the demand for more depth and understanding on political brands especially non-party ‘individual’ political brands [elected representatives] (French and Smith 2010; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Peng and Hackley 2009; Scammell 2015). Despite the calls for more research in this area, there are a few studies that have investigated ‘individual’ political brands. More specifically, studies have focused on politicians or candidates from political ‘parties’ in terms of brand personality, equity, identity or image and often compared ‘corporate’ and ‘individual’ political brands (Cwalina and Falkowski 2014; De Landtsheer and De Vries 2015; Milewicz and Milewicz 2014; Smith and Spotswood 2013; Speed et al. 2015). For example, Smith and Spotswood (2013) comparatively considered the brand equity of the UK Liberal Democrat Party from a corporate and individual-local perspective. Smith and Spotwood (2013) highlighted that successful political brands whether corporate or local-individual) communicated clear expectations, focused values, believable promises to constituents, which is often easier at a local rather than national level. Further, Smith and Spotwood (2013) argued that successful corporate political brands would depend on consistency between corporate and local-individual political brands. However, the work by Smith and Spotswood (2013) was developed from speeches, articles and other discourse rather than from the personal perspective of internal stakeholders. Therefore, more depth and understanding from a multi-stakeholder perspective would reveal greater insight into the individual-local political brand particularly in non-party contexts. Existing political branding research primarily adopts either an internal (Busby and Cronshaw 2015; Cwalina and Falkowski 2014; de Landtsheer and Vries 2015; Milewicz and Milewicz 2014; Smith and Spotswood 2013) or external perspective to frame studies (French and Smith 2010; Peng and Hackley 2009; Phipps et al. 2010). More specifically, research devoted to an internal ‘brand identity’ perspective directs its attention to the political party, candidate or politician. Brand identity can be conceptualised as the current intended projection formulated and communicated by the brand’s creator with the aim of attempting to establish a desired identity in the mind of the consumer (de Chernatony 2007; Kapferer 2008). Further, brand identity can be seen as a useful approach to generate a deep understanding from an internal standpoint and capture the ‘central ideas of a brand and how the brand communicates these ideas to stakeholders’ (de Chernatony 2007:45; Ross and Harradine 2011; Saaksjarvi and Samiee 2011). In contrast, research focusing on an external ‘brand image’ perspective considers the political offering from a citizen-voter orientation (Needham and Smith 20015; Nielsen 2016; O’Cass 2001). Brand image can be considered as the current-immediate associations perceived and formulated in the mind of the consumer, which is often out of control of the brand’s creator (Nandan 2005; Rekom et al. 2006). In addition, brand image is externally created, and manifested through unique associations and perceptions, experiences and expectations linked to physical and intangible elements of a brand (Bosch et al. 2006a; Nandan 2005). Therefore, future research should attempt to capture insight into how political brands develop and communicate identity and how political brands are understood from an internal [revealed by the politician] and external perspective [revealed by the voter] (Baines et al. 2014; Needham and Smith 2015; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Pich and Dean 2015). However, how can we actually comprehend current political brand identity and political brand image? One study that explored an ‘internal-relational orientation’ of several individual political brands was the work by Pich and Dean (2015). Pich and Dean (2015) explored the internal brand identity of UK Conservative Party politicians prior the 2010 UK General Election with the support of Kapferer’s brand identity prism (Kapferer 2008). Further, the work by Pich and Dean (2015) not only revealed the complex related yet distinct nature of individual political brands and their relationship with their ‘corporate Conservative Party’ political brand but also demonstrated the problematic nature of applying the brand identity prism in its original form to deconstruct the internal orientation of a political brand. Pich and Dean (2015) concluded with a revised framework known as the ‘political brand identity network’ and challenged future studies to consider this as a workable tool to understand individual political brands from an internal-relational perspective. However, Pich and Dean (2015) concluded that the ‘political brand identity network’ could also support the understanding of external brand image. Therefore, could the ‘political brand identity network’ aid the exploration of internal political brand identity and external political brand image of non-party political brands? Responding to this gap in the body of knowledge, this research will explore the internal brand identity of an ‘individual’ political brand from the perspective of elected representatives and investigate the external brand image of non-party political brand from the perspective of Guernsey voters. In addition, this study will assess the operationalisation of the ‘political brand identity network’ put forward by Pich and Dean (2015). Further, responding to the challenge from Pich and Dean (2015), this study will assess the usability of the political brand identity network to understand non-party political brand identity and political brand image. This will address the limited development of ‘appropriate models’ and frameworks that can be used to assist political entities in understanding their offering and support strategy development (Nielsen 2015; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Ormrod 2011; Scammell 2015). Confusion and advancement can be addressed by building on existing research by assessing existing models and frameworks in comparison with new settings and contexts (Nielsen 2016; O’Cass 2001; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Ormrod and Henneberg 2011; Scammell 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Research Design As this study aims to explore non-party political brands from a multi-stakeholder perspective, a qualitative interpretivist approach is adopted (Creswell 2007; Welch et al. 2011). This is consistent with the calls across the political branding discipline for more exploratory empirical research (French and Smith 2010; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Peng and Hackley 2009; Scammell 2015). This study will involve two stages. Stage one involves twenty-one semi-structured interviews with current elected Deputies. Deputies from across the eight districts of Guernsey namely; Vale, Vale-West, St Sampson, St Peter Port-North, St Peter Port-South, South East, West and Castel (www.gov.gg) have been selected. Interviews will last between 60-90 minutes and will be conducted by the researchers from March 2018-May 2018. Stage two involves twelve focus group discussions with Guernsey citizens-voters. Focus group discussions will be organised according to voter age group following the conventional approach adopted by research organisitions such as YOUGOV and IPSOS-MORI to explore political brand image. More specifically, this study will adopt purposive sampling framework and Guernsey citizens will be grouped from 18-24, 25-34, 35-44, 45-54, 55-64 and 65+ and each group will serve to frame each focus group discussion (Gillham 2005; Malhotra and Birks 2003). Focus group discussions will be conducted July-September 2018. Pilot interviews and focus group discussions were conducted in October 2017 to assess the usability of the interview-focus group schedules and aided developmentrefinement (Gillham 2005). The ‘political brand identity network’ (Pich and Dean 2015) serves as a conceptual framework to provide some structure the interviews-focus group discussions and be incorporated into the interview-focus group schedules (Gillham 2005; Zikmund 2003).Transcripts from the semi-structured interviews and the focus group discussions will be thematically analysed with the support of Butler- Kisber’s (2010) two-stage analytical approach. Findings The findings from stage one of the study will generate insight on how current nonparty political brands create, develop and communicate their brand identity from the perspective of elected representatives. For example, the findings will highlight how non-party political brands create-develop communication strategies and tactics, the significance of individual political personality as a tool to provide differentiation and whether personal values are used to characterise the brands (Ahmed et al. 2015; Nielsen 2016; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Smith 2008). The findings from stage two of the study will reveal how current non-party political brand image is understood from the perspective of Guernsey voters. For example, the insights linked to political brand image will reveal consistencies and incoherencies with communicated identity and awareness of communication strategies-tactics, personality characteristics and personal-cultural values of Deputies (Pich and Dean 2015). Stage two will also reveal understanding as to whether Guernsey citizens-voters desire political ‘party’ brands. This will address the third objective of the study. This in turn will highlight the ideal conceptualised political brand for Guernsey developed from a multi-stakeholder perspective. Discussion This study will also reveal the relationships between current Deputies and constituents, personal-working relationships with stakeholders across government departments and understanding of attitudes and opinions of political issues such as the introduction of parties. This in turn will introduce first-hand accounts of current non-party political brand identities. In addition, this stage will reveal if the ‘party’ dimension is the only missing element from the triad and provide understanding of the relevance of the ‘policy’ and ‘leader-politician’ dimensions (Butler et al. 2011; Davies and Mian 2010; Pich and Dean 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Further, this study will provide understanding into the relationships between voters and Deputies and highlight the perceptions, associations and imagery Guernsey voters ascribe to non-party political brands (Bosch et al. 2006a; Nandan 2005). This research will also reveal understanding as to whether Guernsey citizens-voters desire political ‘party’ brands. This in turn could result in a reconceptualization of political brands, which extends the political brand triad (Butler et al. 2011; Davies and Mian 2010; Pich and Dean 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Further, a revised definition could be tailored to the unique setting of island communities and this could have implications to other jurisdictions with non-traditional political brands. Finally, the applied findings will address the challenge put forward by Pich and Dean (2015) to assess the usability of the ‘brand identity network’ as a mechanism to explore internal political brand identity and external political brand image. This will go some way in addressing the limited number of ‘appropriate frameworks’ than can be used to assist researchers to understand brands and develop strategies to address any inconsistencies or misalignment between communicated identity and understood image (Nielsen 2015; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Ormrod 2011; Scammell 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Conclusion Subsequently, this study will seek to understand how independent elected representatives currently create and develop political brand identity and explore how Guernsey voters understand political brand image of non-party brands. Further, the findings will highlight a contribution to practice. For example, this study will reveal implications of the introduction of political ‘party’ brands to the prospective of an island-wide voting environment from the perspective of internal [Deputies] and external [citizens-voters] stakeholders. This research will offer internal political stakeholders insight into the perceptions, attitudes and opinions of external citizensvoters in terms of prospective political ‘party’ brands, desired configuration of political ‘party’ brands and highlight whether political ‘party’ brands have a role to play in the reformed electoral process on Guernsey. Further, the findings will offer internal political stakeholders the opportunity to design, create and develop their political brands in line with the wants and needs of the electorate, which in turn should strengthen political engagement, maintain personal relationships between politicians-voters and allow for the establishment of a tailored approach to political brand management in non-traditional political environments. Further, the findings will have a direct impact on the debate as to how Guernsey’s electoral process develops following the 2018 Island Wide Referendum and legislates prior the 2020 Guernsey General Election. The findings will also have implications beyond non-party systems of government for example it may offer existing party-systems of government practical methods and initiatives to strengthen voter engagement and develop stakeholder relationships across jurisdictions and constituencies. This study will also contribute to academic theory. For example, the addressed objectives will offer the researchers an opportunity reconceptualise political brands particularly in non-traditional contexts based on deep insight from the perspectives of citizens-voters, which in turn will allow the sub-discipline of political branding to advance-develop as an area of study (Needham and Smith 20015; Nielsen 2016; O’Cass 2001; Pich et al. 2016; Scammel 2015). In addition, this study will address explicit calls for future research in this area by outlining how independent political brands exist or develop without the ‘party’ element from the trinity assess the applicability of the ‘trinity’ concept to new jurisdictions. Finally, this study will assess the applicability of the ‘political brand identity network’ (Pich and Dean 2015) as a tool to explore internal political brand identity and external political brand image of non-party political brands from a multi-stakeholder perspective.

본 연구는 다국적 기업의 친환경 연구개발 (R&D)의 결정요인과 이 결정요인들이 이해관계자들이 행사하는 압력에 의해 어떻게 조절되는지에 관한 연구이다. ASSET4 데이터베이스를 활용해 2004년부터 2012년까지 1,674개의 글로벌 다국적 기업들에 속하는 15,025개의 관측치들을 대상으로 연구한 결과, 기업의 환경 관련 평판이 낮을수록, 그리고 보상체계가 장기적 성향을 띨수록 친환경 R&D의 성과가 높은 것으로 나타났다. 또한 온실가스 배출량이 많은 산업에서 활동하는 기업들의 경우 배출권 거래제에 참여하게 되면 친환경 R&D의 성과가 더욱 높은 것으로 나타났다. 반면, 지리적 다각화의 정도가 높은 다국적 기업의 경우 배출권 거래제에 참여할 경우 친환경 R&D의 성과가 낮은 것으로 나타났으며, 이는 현재 시행되고 있는 배출권 거래제도의 유효성에 한계가 있음을 시사한다고 할 수 있다.

This paper examines the co-creation of human brands identities exemplified by celebrities in a stakeholder-actor approach. By bringing together the theoretical web of service-dominant logic, stakeholder theory, actor-network theory, and consumer culture theory, we argue that human brand identities are co-created by multiple stakeholder-actors that have resources and incentives in the activities that make a up an enterprise of a human brand, including the celebrities themselves, consumer-fans, and business entities. By utilizing an observational, archival netnographic data from popular social media channels, four exemplars of celebrity identities from the Philippines demonstrate the co-creation of human brands. Findings illustrate key stakeholder-actors’ participations, production and consumption, and integrations of resources and incentives in the co-creation process as articulated in social media. The co-creation process happens through sociological translations codes namely: social construction and negotiation of identities, parasocialization, influence projection, legitimization, and utilization of human brand identities. These dynamics of human brand identity advance a stakeholder-actor paradigm of service co-creation that is adaptive to the predominant consumer culture and human ideals that surround the celebrity. Implications and future research on celebrity brand marketing management are discussed.

The literature on co-creation of stakeholder and brand identities draws from (and reflects) a focus on cultures with dominant independent selves. However, this type of co-creation in a global context requires understanding of how cultural differences can simultaneously shape identity development and co-construction, from both a brand and a multiple stakeholder point of view. Processes involved in such a reciprocal co-creation of identity, as well as outcomes, are likely to differ across cultures, especially in the way brands, consumers, and, by extension, other stakeholders use one another in their respective identity construction processes. This study offers a first-of-its-kind conceptual framework, together with a set of propositions, that unpacks how cultural differences might affect such reciprocal co-creation processes. Drawing from this framework, the study advances both the cross-cultural and the co-creation literature by (1) offering several overlooked theoretical, managerial, and methodological implications and (2) highlighting important but currently under-developed avenues that future research could apply to more complex, multiple brand–stakeholder relationships.

연구는 단위학교 책임경영을 실현하기 위해서 학교조직 역량강화방안을 모색할 필요성이 있다는 인식에서 학교조직 효과성과 이해관계자들의 만족도를 강화시킬 수 있는 요인들을 파악하고자 했다. 학교조직 경영의 책임을 지고 있는 학교장을 학교 발전 및 대내외적인 영향력을 행사하는 최고의 리더로 보고 학교장의 윤리적 리더십과 변수들 간의 관계를 탐색하고자 했다. 또한 지역과 학교의 특성을 고려한 우수한 학교를 만들기 위해서는 학교조직구성원의 역할이 중요하다는 사실을

캐나다 AECL이 사용후핵연료 관리 방법으로 심지층 처분 방식을 제시하였으나, Seaborn Panel은 이 방안에는 사회적 수용성이 결여되어 있음을 지적하였다. 이에 따라 캐나다는 사용후 핵연료 관리에 위해 보다 폭넓은 사람들의 참여를 유도할 수 있는 공론화 프로그램이 필요하다는 것을 인식하고 먼저 핵연료폐기물법 (Nuclear Fuel Waste Act, NFWA) 을 제정하였다. NFWA에 따라 Nuclear Waste Management Organization (NWMO) 가 설립되었다. 전문가들이 마련한 세 가지 관리 방법 가운데서 사회적으로 수용 가능하고 기술적으로 안전하며, 환경적으로 책임질 수 있고 경제적으로 실행 가능한 사용후핵연료 장기적 관리방안을 마련하는 것을 NWMO의 임무로 지정하였다. 그러나 이 세가지 관리 방안 중 어느 것도 적합하지 않다고 판단할 때는 제 4의 대안을 고려하는 예외 조항을 두었다. 결과적으로 NWMO는 위의 3가지 방안의 장점 및 특징을 바탕으로 하여 제 4의 대안인 Adaptive Phased Management (APM; 융통성 있는 단계적 관리) 방식을 제안하였다. 이 대안은 실행 단계에서라도 어떤 기술적 발전이나 변화가 생겼을 때 이를 받아들이도록 고안되었다. 캐나다의 사용후핵연료 공론화 과정은 연구 개발 프로그램이 사회적 수용성과 얼마나 깊게 연관되어 있는지를 잘 보여준다. 다시 말해, 비록 자세한 기술적인 연구 개발은 전문 과학자에 의해 수행되어야 하지만, 연구 개발의 객관적인 타당성 확보를 위해서는 대중을 의사 결정 과정에 참여시키고 대중의 의견을 수렴하는 것이 매우 중요하다. 또한 공정성, 공공의 건강과 안전, 안보, 적용성 등과 같은 원칙들을 확보하기 위하여 NWMO는 이와 같은 추상적인 개념들을 대중이 이해하도록 노력하였다. 가능한 많은 대중을 프로그램에 참여시키기 위하여 공론화 회의뿐 아니라 e-dialogue 등과 같이 다양한 의사소통 방법을 사용하였다. 현재 사용후핵연료 관리 방안을 둘러싸고 많은 어려움을 겪고 있는 우리나라의 입장에서 생각할 때, 캐나다 공론화 과정은 우리나라가 앞으로 적절한 사용후핵연료 관리 방안을 찾는 데 많은 교훈과 시사점을 제공할 수 있다. 결과적으로, 숙의적 참여방법의 하나인 공론화 방안이 우리나라에서도 사용후핵연료 문제를 해결하는 하나의 대안이 될 수 있을 것이다.

최근 삶의 질이 향상되면서 많은 사람들이 다양한 레저 활동을 즐기고 있다. 하지만 레저 활동 인구가 증가하면서 다양한 사고로 척수손상장애인이 되기도 한다. 이러한 이유로 척수손상장애인의 인구가 증가할 수 밖에 없다. 이러한 현상은 의료복지 측면에서의 수요 확대로 이어질 수 있다. 척수손상 정도에 따라 외출 및 외래진료에 어려움이 있는 척수손상환자들은 방문의료서비스의 이용 증대로 이어질 수 있다. 이러한 이유로 보건복지부에서는 서비스 양적 확충을 위해 지속적 연구가 진행되고 있다. 하지만 서비스 다각화 및 질적 향상 측면에서 체계화가 미흡한 실정이다. 선행연구의 대부분은 이용자를 대상으로 단편적인 만족도 및 욕구조사 중심으로 진행되었다. 이에 본 연구에서는 ICT 방문의료서비스 디자인을 위한 4D프로세스 중 Define 단계로 이해관계자 요구사항을 조사하였다. 조사 대상은 서비스 제공자 4명, 서비스 수요자 14명을 대상으로 진행하였다. 조사 대상자들의 구체적인 문제점 및 요구사항을 도출하기 위해 인터뷰 방법론을 활용하였다. 본 연구의 방법으로는 첫째, 척수손상장애와 ICT 방문의료서비스에 대한 이론적 고찰을 실시하였다. 둘째, 국내, 국외에서 진행된 ICT 방문의료서비스에 대한 사례 연구를 진행하였다. 그 결과 ICT 방문의료서비스 관련 이해관계자를 파악하였고 서비스 현황, 주요 시사점을 도출하였다. 셋째, ICT 방문의료서비스 관계자 4명과 척수손상장애인 14명을 대상으로 심층인터뷰와 포커스 그룹인터뷰를 진행하였다. 그 결과 6가지 주요 시사점을 도출할 수 있었다. 6가지 주요 시사점은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 외래진료와 원격진료 병행으로 인한 업무의 부담이다. 둘째, 간접적 원격 진료에 대한 신뢰성이 낮았다. 셋째, 서비스 내 커뮤니케이션 채널이 없었다. 커뮤니케이션 채널이 없어 주요 정보 공유에 문제가 있었다. 넷째, 생체정보 측정 장비와 ICT 의료시스템과의 데이터 호환성에 문제가 있었다. 기기와 시스템 간 호환이 되지 않아 비효율적인 의료서비스가 제공되고 있었다. 다섯째, 다수 환자에 대한 예방, 의료기록, 일정관리 등을 위한 ICT 모니터링 시스템 구축의 필요성이 나타났다. 여섯째, 다양한 특성의 척수손상장애인을 고려한 서비스 세분화이다. 향후 본 연구를 통해 도출된 6가지 시사점은 ICT 방문의료서비스디자인의 개선방향 설정에 활용될 것이다. 또한 의료서비스를 지원하는 시스템 개선방향에도 활용될 예정이다.

The purpose of this study was to develop the strategy on activation of village by forest healing. Researcher conducted the questionnaire survey for forest healing village development to classify the mountain’s characteristics by the three factors(linkage resource, program, facilities). In result, village characteristics were divided into two types: single element outstanding type(resource), complex element outstanding type(resource+program, resource+facilities). The development of forest healing village have to focused on the forest healing service recipient and mountain village characteristics. In conclusion, relationship between forest healing recipient and mountain characteristics was as follows: single type (resource) - public; complex type (resource+program) - chronic disease, social vulnerable people; complex type (resource+facilities) - severe disease. The detailed guideline for forest healing village needs to be established according to the mountain characteristics.

치수사업에 의한 갈등 문제의 본질은 하나의 구조물을 설치하는가의 여부가 아니라 비록 100% 합의와 만족은 어렵다할지라도 서로 다른 인식과 이해관계를 가지고 있는 다양한 집단들간에 어떻게 하면 감정적 마찰 없이 상이한 인식의 폭을 좁혀서 합의형성을 이루어 내는가에 있다. 이를 위해선 반드시 고려해야 할 사항은 가능한 한 계획의 수립단계에서부터 이해당사자가 참여할 수 있는 여건이 마련되어야 한다.따라서, 본 연구에서는 치수사업을 수행함에 있어 발생되는 갈등 문제에 대해 이해당사자와 더불어 정책입안자, 전문가 및 지역단체들의 참여가 가능하도록 치수 갈등 조정 모형인 공영시각모형(SVM)과 연계하여 참여범위를 제시하고 WEB기반의 이해관계자 설문 시스템을 구축하였다. 또한 이해관계자들의 설문 결과를 반영하기 위해 상대적이탈지수(RDI) 및 AHP기법 등을 적용하여 공영시각모형의 모의 시 각각의 분석에 필요한 지수 및 가중치 등을 산정하여 적용될 수 있도록 하였다. 이에 따라 이해당사자의 참여 배제에 의해 발생되는 갈등 문제에 대해 적용될 경우 합의점 도출을 위한 시스템 적용 시 유용하게 사용될 수 있을 것으로 기대된다.

This study aims to make a comparison of the attitudes between residents, officials and experts towards the rural landscape management polices. It is also designed to suggest the improvements to the rural landscape management policies. This study showed that there were differences in awareness of the rural landscape management polices depending on stakeholder who are residents, officials and experts and experienced groups of rural landscape projects. The directions of improvement of rural landscape policies are as follows: First, it's necessary that the various rural landscape management polices is made of considering the differences on the interest group's recognition. Second, the related rural landscape improvement programs should be implemented based on those plan. Third, the various programs which are to lead voluntary residents participation and to strengthen participant's capabilities have to be arranged to manage the rural landscape effectively.

This study aimed to apply a methodological approach, 'social network analysis' to a case study for the understanding of relational structure among stakeholders related to green tourism development. By doing so, this study argued that it is important to identify stakeholder's network structure to help green tourism planners develop collaborative relationship among stakeholders. This study identified the stakeholders regarding a community-based festival development in the southern area of Korea, and investigated two types of networks among them: decision-making power relational and intimate network. Interviewer-administrated survey and in-depth interview were employed for data collection. The data was analyzed by SPSS (version 10.0) and Net-MinerII (version 2.5.0), and by constant comparison method. The result revealed that low different groups of the stakeholders were separated in the intimate networt and that the festival organizational body was not connected with other stakeholders in the decision-making power relational network. The existence of separated groups and weak relationship among the stakeholders appeared to relate to age-group differences, and different views on the festival between the stakeholders.