Introduction Understanding political brands is a pertinent concern for the British Crown Dependency of Guernsey. Guernsey is a Channel Island, part of the British Isles yet not a member of the European Union. In addition, Guernsey currently has a nonpolitical party system and all thirty-eight Members of Parliament [otherwise known as Deputies] are independent figures. Further, deputies stand as individuals, and members often form informal alliances repeatedly referred to as collections of constantly changing coalitions of support or ‘quasi-political parties’ Guernsey is set to hold an island-wide referendum by March 2018 on the island’s electoral process, moving from seven constituencies to one island-wide constituency. The Guernsey Government believe the 2018 referendum will impact the way Members of Parliament are elected and envisage the creation and introduction of ‘political parties’, or formal alliances in anticipation for the 2020 General Election. The creation and introduction of political parties [political brands] on Guernsey would be unprecedented to the current-historic political environment of a non-party system structured by independent, individual politicians. Further, it is unknown whether the creation and introduction of political ‘party’ brands would have the same appeal, benefits and success compared with independent ‘individual’ political brands. This presents a unique opportunity for the proposed piece of research, which will have an impact as to whether political parties [political party brands] are desired by Guernsey’s elected representatives and Guernsey citizens-voters, and if so, how will new political parties be created and conceptualised. However, in order to address this we need to frame the study within the sub-discipline of political branding. The application of commercial branding theory to politics is nothing new (O’Cass and Voola 2011; O’Shaughnessy and Baines 2009; Rutter et al. 2015). There is a shared understanding that political parties, pressure groups, politicians, candidates and campaigns can be conceptualised as ‘brands’ (Guzman and Sierra 2009; Needham and Smith 2015; Peng and Hackley 2009; Pich et al. 2016; Scammell 2015; Smith 2009). Further, the sub-discipline of political branding has become a ‘critical’ and ‘priority’ issue that warrants continued attention (Speed et al. 2015). The application of branding to politics has been described as the most appropriate way to understand the political ‘product’ and a mechanism to frame the deconstruction process to understand the political promise put forward by political actors (Scammell 2015). Political brands are complex, multi-layered entities which are often difficult to unbundle (Lees-Marshment 2009; Lock and Harris 1996; Phipps et al. 2010). Further, political brands are powerful tools used as a short-cut mechanism to deconstruct the rational and irrational elements of the political offering (Scammell 2015). This is reinforced with continued calls for future research to focus on generating deeper insight into how political brands are developed and understood particularly in new settings and contexts (Needham and Smith 2015; Nielsen 2016; Ormrod and Henneberg 2011; Pich and Dean 2015; Scammell 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Subsequently, the objectives of this study are to: - Investigate how current non-party political brands create, develop and communicate their brand identity from the perspective of elected representatives - Explore how current non-party political brand image is understood from the perspective of Guernsey voters - Ascertain whether elected representatives and Guernsey voters desire political ‘party’ brands for the 2020 General Election. Theoretical Background Political brands can be considered a trinity of elements including the party, leader and policy (Butler et al. 2011; Davies and Mian 2010; Pich and Dean 2015; Speed et al. 2015). The trinity of elements need to ensure clear identification and differentiation from political competitors (Ahmed et al. 2015; Nielsen 2016; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Smith 2008). In addition, effective political brands should be strong, appealing, trustworthy, offer resonance, act as a decision making driver which in turn will support strategy development and build awareness in the mind of voters-citizens (Ahmed et al. 2015; Baines and Harris 2011; O’Cass and Voola 2011). However, the existing literature has tended to focus on ‘party’ political systems and overlooked political brands from non-party political systems where all candidates and politicians are independent candidates and representatives. Nevertheless, what about other typologies of political brands like in non-party systems? In addition, the existing body of knowledge has not explained how political brands exist or develop without the ‘party’ element from the trinity. This proposition is supported the demand for more depth and understanding on political brands especially non-party ‘individual’ political brands [elected representatives] (French and Smith 2010; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Peng and Hackley 2009; Scammell 2015). Despite the calls for more research in this area, there are a few studies that have investigated ‘individual’ political brands. More specifically, studies have focused on politicians or candidates from political ‘parties’ in terms of brand personality, equity, identity or image and often compared ‘corporate’ and ‘individual’ political brands (Cwalina and Falkowski 2014; De Landtsheer and De Vries 2015; Milewicz and Milewicz 2014; Smith and Spotswood 2013; Speed et al. 2015). For example, Smith and Spotswood (2013) comparatively considered the brand equity of the UK Liberal Democrat Party from a corporate and individual-local perspective. Smith and Spotwood (2013) highlighted that successful political brands whether corporate or local-individual) communicated clear expectations, focused values, believable promises to constituents, which is often easier at a local rather than national level. Further, Smith and Spotwood (2013) argued that successful corporate political brands would depend on consistency between corporate and local-individual political brands. However, the work by Smith and Spotswood (2013) was developed from speeches, articles and other discourse rather than from the personal perspective of internal stakeholders. Therefore, more depth and understanding from a multi-stakeholder perspective would reveal greater insight into the individual-local political brand particularly in non-party contexts. Existing political branding research primarily adopts either an internal (Busby and Cronshaw 2015; Cwalina and Falkowski 2014; de Landtsheer and Vries 2015; Milewicz and Milewicz 2014; Smith and Spotswood 2013) or external perspective to frame studies (French and Smith 2010; Peng and Hackley 2009; Phipps et al. 2010). More specifically, research devoted to an internal ‘brand identity’ perspective directs its attention to the political party, candidate or politician. Brand identity can be conceptualised as the current intended projection formulated and communicated by the brand’s creator with the aim of attempting to establish a desired identity in the mind of the consumer (de Chernatony 2007; Kapferer 2008). Further, brand identity can be seen as a useful approach to generate a deep understanding from an internal standpoint and capture the ‘central ideas of a brand and how the brand communicates these ideas to stakeholders’ (de Chernatony 2007:45; Ross and Harradine 2011; Saaksjarvi and Samiee 2011). In contrast, research focusing on an external ‘brand image’ perspective considers the political offering from a citizen-voter orientation (Needham and Smith 20015; Nielsen 2016; O’Cass 2001). Brand image can be considered as the current-immediate associations perceived and formulated in the mind of the consumer, which is often out of control of the brand’s creator (Nandan 2005; Rekom et al. 2006). In addition, brand image is externally created, and manifested through unique associations and perceptions, experiences and expectations linked to physical and intangible elements of a brand (Bosch et al. 2006a; Nandan 2005). Therefore, future research should attempt to capture insight into how political brands develop and communicate identity and how political brands are understood from an internal [revealed by the politician] and external perspective [revealed by the voter] (Baines et al. 2014; Needham and Smith 2015; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Pich and Dean 2015). However, how can we actually comprehend current political brand identity and political brand image? One study that explored an ‘internal-relational orientation’ of several individual political brands was the work by Pich and Dean (2015). Pich and Dean (2015) explored the internal brand identity of UK Conservative Party politicians prior the 2010 UK General Election with the support of Kapferer’s brand identity prism (Kapferer 2008). Further, the work by Pich and Dean (2015) not only revealed the complex related yet distinct nature of individual political brands and their relationship with their ‘corporate Conservative Party’ political brand but also demonstrated the problematic nature of applying the brand identity prism in its original form to deconstruct the internal orientation of a political brand. Pich and Dean (2015) concluded with a revised framework known as the ‘political brand identity network’ and challenged future studies to consider this as a workable tool to understand individual political brands from an internal-relational perspective. However, Pich and Dean (2015) concluded that the ‘political brand identity network’ could also support the understanding of external brand image. Therefore, could the ‘political brand identity network’ aid the exploration of internal political brand identity and external political brand image of non-party political brands? Responding to this gap in the body of knowledge, this research will explore the internal brand identity of an ‘individual’ political brand from the perspective of elected representatives and investigate the external brand image of non-party political brand from the perspective of Guernsey voters. In addition, this study will assess the operationalisation of the ‘political brand identity network’ put forward by Pich and Dean (2015). Further, responding to the challenge from Pich and Dean (2015), this study will assess the usability of the political brand identity network to understand non-party political brand identity and political brand image. This will address the limited development of ‘appropriate models’ and frameworks that can be used to assist political entities in understanding their offering and support strategy development (Nielsen 2015; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Ormrod 2011; Scammell 2015). Confusion and advancement can be addressed by building on existing research by assessing existing models and frameworks in comparison with new settings and contexts (Nielsen 2016; O’Cass 2001; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Ormrod and Henneberg 2011; Scammell 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Research Design As this study aims to explore non-party political brands from a multi-stakeholder perspective, a qualitative interpretivist approach is adopted (Creswell 2007; Welch et al. 2011). This is consistent with the calls across the political branding discipline for more exploratory empirical research (French and Smith 2010; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Peng and Hackley 2009; Scammell 2015). This study will involve two stages. Stage one involves twenty-one semi-structured interviews with current elected Deputies. Deputies from across the eight districts of Guernsey namely; Vale, Vale-West, St Sampson, St Peter Port-North, St Peter Port-South, South East, West and Castel (www.gov.gg) have been selected. Interviews will last between 60-90 minutes and will be conducted by the researchers from March 2018-May 2018. Stage two involves twelve focus group discussions with Guernsey citizens-voters. Focus group discussions will be organised according to voter age group following the conventional approach adopted by research organisitions such as YOUGOV and IPSOS-MORI to explore political brand image. More specifically, this study will adopt purposive sampling framework and Guernsey citizens will be grouped from 18-24, 25-34, 35-44, 45-54, 55-64 and 65+ and each group will serve to frame each focus group discussion (Gillham 2005; Malhotra and Birks 2003). Focus group discussions will be conducted July-September 2018. Pilot interviews and focus group discussions were conducted in October 2017 to assess the usability of the interview-focus group schedules and aided developmentrefinement (Gillham 2005). The ‘political brand identity network’ (Pich and Dean 2015) serves as a conceptual framework to provide some structure the interviews-focus group discussions and be incorporated into the interview-focus group schedules (Gillham 2005; Zikmund 2003).Transcripts from the semi-structured interviews and the focus group discussions will be thematically analysed with the support of Butler- Kisber’s (2010) two-stage analytical approach. Findings The findings from stage one of the study will generate insight on how current nonparty political brands create, develop and communicate their brand identity from the perspective of elected representatives. For example, the findings will highlight how non-party political brands create-develop communication strategies and tactics, the significance of individual political personality as a tool to provide differentiation and whether personal values are used to characterise the brands (Ahmed et al. 2015; Nielsen 2016; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Smith 2008). The findings from stage two of the study will reveal how current non-party political brand image is understood from the perspective of Guernsey voters. For example, the insights linked to political brand image will reveal consistencies and incoherencies with communicated identity and awareness of communication strategies-tactics, personality characteristics and personal-cultural values of Deputies (Pich and Dean 2015). Stage two will also reveal understanding as to whether Guernsey citizens-voters desire political ‘party’ brands. This will address the third objective of the study. This in turn will highlight the ideal conceptualised political brand for Guernsey developed from a multi-stakeholder perspective. Discussion This study will also reveal the relationships between current Deputies and constituents, personal-working relationships with stakeholders across government departments and understanding of attitudes and opinions of political issues such as the introduction of parties. This in turn will introduce first-hand accounts of current non-party political brand identities. In addition, this stage will reveal if the ‘party’ dimension is the only missing element from the triad and provide understanding of the relevance of the ‘policy’ and ‘leader-politician’ dimensions (Butler et al. 2011; Davies and Mian 2010; Pich and Dean 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Further, this study will provide understanding into the relationships between voters and Deputies and highlight the perceptions, associations and imagery Guernsey voters ascribe to non-party political brands (Bosch et al. 2006a; Nandan 2005). This research will also reveal understanding as to whether Guernsey citizens-voters desire political ‘party’ brands. This in turn could result in a reconceptualization of political brands, which extends the political brand triad (Butler et al. 2011; Davies and Mian 2010; Pich and Dean 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Further, a revised definition could be tailored to the unique setting of island communities and this could have implications to other jurisdictions with non-traditional political brands. Finally, the applied findings will address the challenge put forward by Pich and Dean (2015) to assess the usability of the ‘brand identity network’ as a mechanism to explore internal political brand identity and external political brand image. This will go some way in addressing the limited number of ‘appropriate frameworks’ than can be used to assist researchers to understand brands and develop strategies to address any inconsistencies or misalignment between communicated identity and understood image (Nielsen 2015; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Ormrod 2011; Scammell 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Conclusion Subsequently, this study will seek to understand how independent elected representatives currently create and develop political brand identity and explore how Guernsey voters understand political brand image of non-party brands. Further, the findings will highlight a contribution to practice. For example, this study will reveal implications of the introduction of political ‘party’ brands to the prospective of an island-wide voting environment from the perspective of internal [Deputies] and external [citizens-voters] stakeholders. This research will offer internal political stakeholders insight into the perceptions, attitudes and opinions of external citizensvoters in terms of prospective political ‘party’ brands, desired configuration of political ‘party’ brands and highlight whether political ‘party’ brands have a role to play in the reformed electoral process on Guernsey. Further, the findings will offer internal political stakeholders the opportunity to design, create and develop their political brands in line with the wants and needs of the electorate, which in turn should strengthen political engagement, maintain personal relationships between politicians-voters and allow for the establishment of a tailored approach to political brand management in non-traditional political environments. Further, the findings will have a direct impact on the debate as to how Guernsey’s electoral process develops following the 2018 Island Wide Referendum and legislates prior the 2020 Guernsey General Election. The findings will also have implications beyond non-party systems of government for example it may offer existing party-systems of government practical methods and initiatives to strengthen voter engagement and develop stakeholder relationships across jurisdictions and constituencies. This study will also contribute to academic theory. For example, the addressed objectives will offer the researchers an opportunity reconceptualise political brands particularly in non-traditional contexts based on deep insight from the perspectives of citizens-voters, which in turn will allow the sub-discipline of political branding to advance-develop as an area of study (Needham and Smith 20015; Nielsen 2016; O’Cass 2001; Pich et al. 2016; Scammel 2015). In addition, this study will address explicit calls for future research in this area by outlining how independent political brands exist or develop without the ‘party’ element from the trinity assess the applicability of the ‘trinity’ concept to new jurisdictions. Finally, this study will assess the applicability of the ‘political brand identity network’ (Pich and Dean 2015) as a tool to explore internal political brand identity and external political brand image of non-party political brands from a multi-stakeholder perspective.

Drawing both on international marketing literature (Steenkamp, Batra, & Alden, 2003) and value/risk research (Sweeny & Soutar, 2001; Mitchell, 1999), the current study investigates (1) how consumers’ perceptions of brand globalness/localness (PBG/PBL) influence their assessment of different dimensions of perceived value as well as the risk associated with making a purchase decision; and (2) how these value and risk assessments mediate the relationships between PBG/PBL and brand purchase intentions. We apply signaling theory (Kirmani & Rao, 2000) to relate PBG and PBL to consumers’ perceptions of risk as well as their perceptions of functional, emotional and social value. For empirical verification of the hypothesized relationships, we use comparable samples from two European countries that vary substantially in terms of economic development (Slovenia and Bosnia & Herzegovina). Results show that only emotional value serves as a consistent mediator of PBG and PBL on purchase intentions in both countries, whereas no mediating role could be identified for perceived risk. In terms of managerial implications, our findings reveal the importance of emphasizing the emotional value of a brand, which serves as a stable facilitator through which PBG/PBL influence consumers’ purchase intentions across the distinct market settings.

The research on country of origin effect (COO) has been oriented lately towards the characteristics of the consumer. As a result, in recent years there has been a growing number of publications dealing with consumer dispositions in the consumption of local or global brands (ethnocentrism, nationalism, patriotism, cosmopolitanism, xenocentrism). To contribute to the research, we conceptualize the Self-Country Connection (SCC) construct, based on the extended self theory, considering the country as one more possession that can be added to the individual’s self. We developed the scale generating items based on literature review and qualitative research. Specialists in marketing and international consumer behavior refined the items. Followed the exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis, analysis of discriminant, nomological and predictive validities, which obtained satisfactory results, in addition to the two-month interval testretest. The scale has two versions and can be used both to access the consumer's selfconnection with the home country and with foreign countries. The SCC scale can be used with other established scales, such as CETSCALE, COS, among others, to understand better the consumer behavior and improving market segmentation.

Marketing is a broad discipline spanning numerous fields, often leading to cross-disciplinary research. It is a saturated discipline with numerous academic outputs published annually. With a constantly expanding knowledge base, and increased emphasis on researchers ‘proving the worth’ of their research, marketing scholars are increasingly required to quickly search, extract and synthesize literature. Researchers must then be able to demonstrate a thorough understanding of their research context. This often calls for a systematic approach. Typically, Systematic Literature Review (SLR) searches are conducted across multiple databases, over a number of years, which is a lengthy and complicated process that can result in errors. The present research outlines the search strategies of previously published SLR’s searches, and replicates these searches in Google Scholar (GS). The aim is to understand the reliability of GS as a primary search tool to, potentially, alleviate lengthy and complicated procedures seen in existing SLR’s.

We investigated the effects of two Brucella proteins expressed in a pMAL expression system, RocF and EF-Ts, as subunit vaccines on immune modulation and protective efficacy using a mouse model. Mice vaccinated with MBP-RocF and MBP-EF-Ts displayed increased production of TNF, IFN-, MCP-1, IL-10 and IL-6, and TNF and MCP-1, respectively. Furthermore, mice vaccinated with MBP-EF-Ts showed decreased induction of IFN- and Th2-related cytokines, IL-10 and IL-6. Higher proportions of CD4+ and CD8+ T cells were observed in the blood of mice vaccinated with MBP-RocF than in the PBS-vaccinated group, although the increases were not significant. Furthermore, significantly reduced Brucella proliferation in the spleens of the MBP-RocF and MBP-EF-Ts groups were observed, but inflammation of these organs was not attenuated. Overall, these results indicate that RocF and EF-Ts could be potential subunit vaccine candidates against animal brucellosis.

분리막의 기공 크기 및 분포도를 분석하기 위한 다양한 측정법이 있지만 10-50 nm 범위의 한외여과막 기공크기 를 정확하게 측정하기가 까다롭다. 따라서 gas-liquid displacement porometer (GLDP)와 liquid-liquid displacement porometer (LLDP) 기공 특성 측정법 두 가지를 이용하여, 10-100 nm의 기공크기를 갖는 세 종류의 세라믹 분리막(K-100, A-100, A-20) 의 기공 크기 및 분포도를 비교 분석하였다. GLDP는 한외여과막의 최대 기공크기를 측정하는데 적합한 분석법으로 확인되 었고, LLDP로 측정된 평균 기공크기가 분리막의 분리 성능 결과와 더 연계되어 있었다. 또한 LLDP는 10-50 nm 범위의 기 공크기를 측정하는데 적합한 기공 분석법으로 확인되었으나, GLDP 보다 낮은 정밀도와 높은 민감도를 나타내었다. 다양한 기공 특성 분석법 가운데, 최근 상용화된 LLDP 기술은 종래의 측정법으로 알지 못했던 유용한 결과들을 제공할 수 있을 것 으로 기대된다.

This study evaluated the antimicrobial efficacy of different concentrations of ozonated water with organic matter, fetal bovine serum, at different concentrations and incubation times with bacteria. In the absence of organic matter, total eradication of up to 5 log of Escherichia (E.) coli was achieved, however, interference by organic matter led to inefficiency of ozonated water as a disinfecting agent. In addition, diminishing antimicrobial effects at higher temperatures, even in the absence of organic matter, were also demonstrated. These findings indicate that ozonated water will be a safe and effective disinfectant agent that could be useful in meat processing, especially an intestine processing, in Korean slaughter houses.

The objective of this study was to determine the efficacy of ozone in sanitizing water experimentally inoculated with the gram-positive food-poisoning bacterium Staphylococcus aureus. The bactericidal effect was measured after experimentally inoculated solutions were exposed to 0, 0.5, and 1.0 ppm ozone at several time points and different temperatures, in the presence of varying concentrations of different organic matter, namely, fetal bovine serum (FBS) or cattle liver. Results revealed inhibition of the bactericidal effect in the presence of the lowest percentage of FBS, but a lower extent of the inhibition occurred when liver was used as the organic matter. It was also apparent that a higher temperature and shorter ozone exposure time had led to a more reduced bactericidal efficacy than that under a lower temperature and longer ozone exposure. This study provides insight into the potential use of ozonated water as an effective and safe disinfectant in an abattoir setting.

Treatment of dextran sodium sulfate(DSS) on HeLa cells results to an enhanced susceptibility to Brucella(B.) abortus infection. An increase in the adherence, invasion and intracellular replication of B. abortus was observed in DSS-treated cells. Furthermore, a marked elevation in the intensity of F-actin fluorescence was also observed in DSS-treated cells compared with untreated B. abortus-infected cells. An upregulation of phagocytic signaling proteins by Western blot analysis demonstrated an apparent activation of ERK, p38α and JNK phosphorylation levels in B. abortus-infected DSS-treated cells compared with the control. Colocalization with LAMP-1 proteins was attenuated in DSS-treated cells upon intracellular trafficking of the pathogen compared with control cells. The results of this study demonstrated consistency with other pathogens. The uptake and intracellular replication of B. abortus is hypothesized to be stimulated by various dextran receptors such as C-type lectins that are involved in phagocytosis which can either be direct phagocytic receptors, modulators of the expression of other receptors or as opsonins leading to an enhanced internalization of B. abortus. The complexity of these interactions thus would warrant further investigation into the role of DSS in the pathogenesis of brucellosis. In summary, we conclude that DSS enhanced adhesion, phagocytosis and intracellular replication of B. abortus in epithelial cells which could lead to suppression of the innate immune system in chronic Brucella infection.

The red ginseng is known to have effects on antioxidativity and cytotoxicity. Nanoscale active substances have various advantages such as improved bioavailability and permeation ability into the cell. However, few studies conducted with the nanoparticles of red ginseng due to its low yield rate and difficulty of manufacturing the product in pilot scale. This study, therefore, investigated the size effects of ultra-fine powder of red ginseng on antioxidativity and cytotoxicity. Red ginseng powder (6, 8, or 158 μm) prepared using a pilot scale was provided by a local company. Antioxidativity was measured by the 2,2-diphenyl-1-picrylhydrazyl (DPPH) and 2,2′-azino-bis-3-ethylbenzothiazoline-6-sulphonic acid (ABTS) assays, and cytotoxicity was tested by methylthiazolyl tetrazolium (MTT) assay. The results of DPPH and ABTS radical electron donating ability IC50 of red ginseng were ranged from 2.27 to 3.34 mg/ml and 2.94 to 3.09 mg/ml, respectively, which were not significantly different between all samples. However, the results of cytotoxicity clearly showed a pattern of decreased toxicity in 6 and 8 μm power compared to 158 μm powder. Unexpectedly, particle sizes of red ginseng did not significantly affect antioxidativity. It is believed that these were related to the process of pilot scale production. These phenomena are also believed to be caused by aggregation of low size power particle that increases water holding capacity. From our result, it is concluded that this range of particle size of red ginseng affected the reduction of cytotoxicity.

In Korea, a serious amphibian disease caused by the fungus Batrachochytrium dendrobatidis (Bd) has been reported from historical samples collected in the 1900s. In this study, we continue to evaluate the current prevalence of chytridiomycosis in the Korean Peninsula and we include imported frogs from America to our analysis. Non-invasive skin swabs were taken from 275 apparently healthy frogs, and Bd was detected in five free living frogs by the nested PCR protocol consisting of two species: Bombina orientalis and Rana catesbeiana, from Gyeongnam and Cheonbuk provinces. These frogs comprised about 2% of the total number of free living samples. This study might be useful for understanding amphibian chytridiomycosis in Korea.

Fast, cheap and sufficient serodiagnostic tools needs to be developed for the early detectionof brucellosis. Currently the tools cannot differentiate an active infection from vaccinated, norcan it differentiate other bacterial infections with lipopolysaccharides, especially Yersiniainfections. In this study, we purified recombinant outer membrane protein 10 and 28(rOmp10,rOmp28), and a dipstick assay(indirect or sandwich) was constructed with single(rOmp10 orrOmp28) and combined rOmps(rOmp10 and rOmp28) from Brucella(B.) abortus 544 to evaluatebovine Brucella positive serum collected during the beginning of the Korean outbreak from2006 to 2015. In application with single rOmp, rOmp10(70%; indirect, 92.11%; sandwichdipstick) and rOmp28(72.5%; indirect, 86.84%; sandwich dipstick) had comparable results. Inaddition, results indicated that dipstick with combined rOmps(rOmps10 and rOmp28) weresuperior in detecting positive serum samples, at 85% indirect and 100% sandwich dipstick. Surprisingly, the results were the same in detecting negative results at 97.78% for both singleand combined indirect dipsticks. The dipstick tools with rOmp10 and rOmp28 would be usefulfor a rapid screen method for bovine brucellosis.

How stable are shopping styles of women and men across cultures? To find out, the authors develop a new scale that reliably measures differences between male and female shopping styles and is stable across cultures. They develop a conceptual model and hypotheses to test whether observed differences in gender shopping styles are likely to be innate or arise from socialization. Through a survey of consumers in seven countries, they show that males and females are evolutionary predisposed to have different shopping styles. Counter to social structural theory, the observed differences in shopping style between females and males are greater in low-context cultures (higher gender equality countries) than in high-context cultures (lower gender equality countries). Empathizing—the ability to tune into another person’s thoughts and feelings—mediates shopping style more for female shoppers; systemizing—the degree to which an individual possesses spatial skills—mediates shopping style more for male shoppers. Therefore, retail segmentation between females and males appears to be of more managerial relevance than segmentation between cultures. Other managerial implications are also discussed.

This research introduces the construct of perceived brand local connectedness (PBLC) that captures the extent to which a (domestic or foreign) brand is associated with and connected to a consumer’s home culture. Together with perceived brand globalness (PBG), PBLC is linked to purchase intention (PINT) through consumer-brand identification (CBI) and perceived brand quality (QUAL). Across two studies in mature and emergent market settings, findings provide evidence that both constructs matter, although PBLC’s effects are relatively stronger than those of PBG. Results further indicate that global identity moderates the effects of PBG on CBI while consumer ethnocentrism (CET) moderates the corresponding effects of PBLC. Implications of the findings for theory and practice are considered.

The bacterial lipopolysaccharide (LPS) mainly contributes to the structural integrity, survival and protection barrier against harsh environments. Therefore, the early stages in LPS or lipid A biosynthesis are attractive targets in the identification and development of inhibitors which would be effective against infections caused by Gram-negative bacteria. The bacterial outer membrane proteins (OMPs) meanwhile function as maintenance for structure, adhesion to other cells and substances, as well as development of resistance to antimicrobials. The LPS and LPS-related molecules, and OMPs are important immunogenic components of several important pathogens including Brucella, which have been extensively used in immunological studies and in the diagnosis of diseases. Here we review the importance, structure, functions and immunogenic aspects of LPS and OMPs particularly of Brucella which can be targeted for the prevention and diagnosis of brucellosis.

High resolution, multi-wavelength images from the Dutch Open Telescope were used to study the detailed mechanisms that might be involved in the multiple layer solar atmosphere observed in high cadence multi-wavelength observations. With the exceptional data observed for active region NOAA 10789 on 2005 July 13th, we study the changing pattern of the fibril using multi-wavelength tomography of the Hα line center and blue wing, Ca II H, and the G Band. It is believed that a long fibril that is rooted in the umbra, with longer apparent periodicity, may be due to morphological changes. To determine this, we conduct phase difference and coherency analysis between points along the fibril to understand how the wave propagates.