This study applied the text frequency method to analyze the crops prevalent during the Chosunwangjoshilrok dynasty, and categorized the results by each king. Contemporary perception of grains was observed by examining the staple crop types. Staple species were examined using the word cloud and semantic network analysis. Totally, 101,842 types of crop consumption were recorded during the Chosunwangjoshilrok period. Of these, 51,337 (50.4%) were grains, 50,407 (49.5%) were beans, and 98 (0.1%) were seeds. Rice was the most frequently consumed grain (37.1%), followed by pii (11.9%), millet (11.3%), barley (4.5%), proso (0.8%), wheat (0.6%), buckwheat (0.1%), and adlay (0.05%). Grain chronological frequency in the Choseon dynasty was determined to be 15,520 cases in the 15th century (30.2%), 11,201 cases in the 18th century (21.8%), 9,421 cases in the 17th century (18.4%), 9,113 cases in the 16th century (17.8%), and 6,082 cases in the 19th century (11.8%). Interest in grain amongst the 27 kings of Choseon was evaluated based on the frequency of records. The 15th century King Sejong recorded the maximum interest with 13,363 cases (13.1%), followed by King Jungjo (8,501 cases in the 18th century; 8.4%), King Sungjong (7,776 cases in the 15th century; 7.6%).

This study analyzed food poisoning articles in the Joseonwangjosillok to acquire historical evidence. The study method used case studies from the textual content of the Joseonwangjosillok. In all, there were fifteen cases of food poisoning in spring (60%), four cases in summer (16%), five cases in fall (20%), and 1 case during winter (4%). Most cases of food poisoning occurred during spring, followed by fall, then summer, and the least during winter. Foods that caused poisoning were as follows: twelve cases of seafood (48%), three cases of vegetables (12%), two cases of meat (8%), and eight cases of poisonous food (32%). Maximum cases pertained to seafood poisoning, which also spiked during spring. This could be attributed to the increased number of planktons as the sea temperature rose during spring. Due to the increased plankton, shellfish absorbed more toxins. The consumption of increasingly toxic shellfish resulted in more cases of food poisoning. The food poisoning frequency was the most severe during the 18th century, followed sequentially by the 15th, 16th, and 17th centuries, and was the least severe during the 19th century. Joseonwangjosillok showed that food poisoning cases happened most during social events where many guests or family members gathered to eat.

This study used the big data method to analyze the chronological frequency of seafood appearance and variety mentioned by the veritable records of the Joseon dynasty. The findings will be used as a basis for Joseon Period’s food cultural research. The web-crawling method was used to digitally scrap from the veritable records of the Joseon dynasty of Joseon’s first to the twenty-seventh king. A total of 9,536 cases indicated the appearance of seafood out of the 384,582 articles. Seafood were termed ‘‘seafood” as a collective noun 107 times (1.12%), 27 types of fish 8,372 times (87.79%), 3 types of mollusca (1.28%), 18 types of shellfish 213 times (2.23%), 6 types of crustacean 188 times (1.97%), 9 types of seaweed 534 times (5.60%). Fish appeared most frequently out of all the recorded seafood. Sea fish appeared more frequently than the freshwater fish. Kings that showed the most Strong Interest Inventory (SII) were: Sungjong from the 15thcentury, Sehjo from the 15th, Youngjo from the 18th, Sehjong from the 15th, and Jungjo from the 18th respectively. Kings of Chosen were most interested in seafood in the 15th and 18th centuries.

This study aimed to analyze the periodic prevalence of the vegetables during the Joseon era with JoseonWangjoSilrok as a reference. The JoseonWangjoSilrok articles were collected from the Guksapyeonchanwewonhwe site, using web-crawling techniques to extract the relevant information. Out of 384,582 search results, 9,560 articles with vegetable-related keywords were found. According to the annual average vegetable recordings during the regimes of various kings, there were two peaking curves in the 15th and 18th centuryJoseon. The found was: 2,750 in the 18th century, 2,529 in the 15th century, 1,424 in the 16th century, and 1,018 in the 19th century. A Variable Interest Index was designed to ascertain the interestin vegetables of the 27 Joseon kings. The king most interested in vegetables was the 19th king Sookjong. The second most interested king was Youngjo. There were 5,105 vegetable-related findings within the JoseonWangjoSilrok related to specific species and categories of vegetables. Among the words found: 1,194 were stem-leaves vegetables (23.39%), 1,017 were root vegetables (19.92%), 1,148 were flower-fruit vegetables (22.49%), 1,144 were spice vegetables (22.41%), 95 were mushrooms (1.86%), and 507 were seaweeds (9.93%). Statistical analysis using ANOVA revealed the chronological factors that affected the vegetables’ prevalence index.

주자성리학을 국가의 기본 통치이념으로 건국된 조선조에서 임금은 그 모든 사회체제의 구심점이며, 그 시대를 대표하는 상징적 존재이다. 그러한 임금의 대표적인 의사표현 수단이 어필이다. 어필은 내용적으로는 임금의 개인적인 생각․사상 및 그 시대의 제반 요소가 담겨져 있고, 서체적로는 조선조의 서예사와 서예미의 흐름을 파악할 수 있는 척도이다. 그동안 어필 관련 연구는 일부 임금의 서체에 국한하여 부분적으로 연구되어 조선조 전체적인 관점에서 어필을 이해하기에 한계가 있었다. 본 논문은 임금의 서체에 대해서는 제외하고 『조선 왕조실록』에 기술된 어필에 담겨진 내용을 중심으로 세부적으로 분석․고찰하였다. 실록에 기술된 어필에 대한 내용 속에는 어필과 관련된 형식적인 내용에서부터 문화적․ 사상적․정치적 내용에 이르기까지 다양한 정보가 담겨져 있다. 일반적으로 임금이 써서 내린 글을 통칭하여 어필이라고 하는데, 실록에는 임금의 글씨에 대한 명칭을 다양한 용어로 쓰이는 것이 확인된다. 어필의 정치적․사상적 배경도 주자성리학적 세계관에 따라 王道政治를 근본으로 禮治思想을 절요처로 하여 왕도정치와 예치의 통합을 통한 ‘修己之學’과 ‘治人之學’적 요소의 조화로운 통일을 지향하였다. 어필은 서체적 의미 이외에 어필내용을 깊이 분석하여 살펴보는 것도 중요하다. 임금이 어필을 내린 사유를 분류해서 정의한다면 “임금이 국정운영의 투명성과 효율성을 확보하고, 종묘사직의 안위를 지키며, 선대왕 및 성현들의 유지를 존숭하고 이를 본받아 계승하며, 신하와 백성들과의 소통 및 교육적 효과를 높이기 위하여 임금의 입장에서 표현하는 형식적인 의사 표시 수단”으로 요약할 수 있다. 조선조에서 어필의 상징성은 지엄, 권위, 존숭, 공신력, 초권력적 성격을 띤다. 임금은 나라의 지존으로서 이러한 상징성에 의거하여 어필정치를 하였다. 이에 따른 어필의 효용성은 첫째 왕도정치의 구현의 수단, 둘째 행정적 통치의 구현 수단, 셋째 교훈․경계적 現示의 수단, 넷째 국방․외교에 관한 신뢰구축의 수단, 다섯째 특별권력으로써의 왕권 구현 수단 등으로 어필이 다양한 역할을 하였다. 위에서 살펴본 바와 같이 조선조에 있어서 어필은 임금이 나라를 다스려 나감에 있어, 임금 본인의 의사를 표현하는 직접적이고 형식적인 수단이었다. 이 어필 속에는 임금의 생각과 사상, 그리고 나라를 다스려 나가는 국정운영의 방향과 철학이 고스란히 함축되어 있다. 이 에 따라 어필의 내용을 세부적으로 고찰하여 어필 속에 담겨진 의미를 다양하게 도출하였다. 조선조는 임금중심의 사회였기 때문에 어필에 대한 정확한 이해는 조선조를 전반적으로 이해 하는 중요한 지렛대이다. 즉 어필은 조선조 이해의 대표적 아이콘이다. 따라서 이번 어필 내용에 대한 연구는 향후 조선조의 정치적 사회적 이해는 물론이고 특히 미술사, 서예사 등 조선조 미학에 대한 연구를 심화 시켜 주는 계기가 될 것으로 확신한다.

‘The True Record of the Joseon Dynasty’ (1392-1863) is a historical document of the Joseon Dynasty which lasted 519 years with rulings of 27 kings in Korean history. This article examines this document to show how kings and bureaucrats of the Joseon Dynasty perceived works of Su Shi, a famous writer from the Song Dynasty. As a writer of the Song Dynasty, Su Shi had a negative view on the Goryeo Dynasty (918-1392) although his works were regarded as the best writings by the Goryeo and Joseon scholars. All the Joseon bureaucrats read and learnt Su Shi’s works. Naturally, the Joseon bureaucrats of the royal palace often cited Su Shi’s writings. Many of the Joseon bureaucrats memorized Su Shi’s “A suggestion recommendation to Shenzong Emperor.” This contained some details of bureaucrats’ suggestions to their emperor regarding state administration. For instance, one of the most cited phrase was that it was important duty of bureaucrats to raise their formal counsel to the emperor. Also, Su Shi was often cited when emphasizing the importance of various national events’ proceedings. Beside these, Su Shi’s view point and ideas had a great influence on Joseon bureaucrats. However, Since the Joseon Dynasty was the center of Neo-Confucianism, however, the idea of Su Shi was somewhat rejected. For this reason, some bureaucrats expressed their explicit objection against Su Shi’s works. On the contrary thinkers such as Wang Anshi and Zhu Xi, who were loyal to the kingship, were respected. It was found in this article that quotations of Wang Anshi and Zhi Xi were used much more frequent than Su Shi’s quotations in conversations between kings and their servants. In this regard, it can be said that the Joseon Dynasty bureaucrats knew about Su Shi’s works, but they had an antipathy toward his ideas.

Korean official documents use Chinese characters in a long term, but how to ensure the physical accuracy of Chinese characters and the consistency with Qing Dynasty, these problems have always troubled the North Korea manners. Moreover, the Chinese characters imported into Korea produced variant forms (different from the Chinese characters which in the Ming and Qing Dynasties) in the process of development and dissemination. Among them, most of them is Korean character. This paper through the comparative study between Chinese characters and Korean characters, preliminary explore the forming reasons of Korean folk characters, and based on these studies to analyze the Korean “quality profile”, to provide research materials which help to explore the problems about the development and the existence of characters during them are sowing outside.

본고는 『朝鮮王朝實錄』의 자료에서 들여다 본 조선시대의 풍속에서 『詩經』이 그 시대의 풍속과 어떠한 상호 연관관계를 가지고 있는 가를 고찰해 보고자 한 글이다. 특히 조선사회 전반에 걸친 풍속 가운데에서도 “부녀자, 음주, 의복”의 세 가지 방면에 대한 『詩經』과의 연 관성을 고찰해 보고자 하였다. 조선시대 부녀자 풍속에서, 『詩經』은 조선시대 부녀자의 改嫁 와 문란한 풍속 등을 바로잡는데 뚜렷한 전범을 제시해 주었다. 특히 나이 어른 寡婦의 改嫁 허용 문제에 관해서는 『詩經』이 기준점이 되었으며, 음란한 풍속에 대해서는 풍속을 교화시 키려는 군주의 정책에 좋은 본보기를 제공해주었다. 한편 烈女와 節婦의 節行과 같은 선행 풍속에는 『詩經』이 모범사례가 되어주기도 하였음을 고찰해 볼 수 있었다. 조선시대 음주 풍 속에서, 『詩經』은 조선시대 음주와 관련된 새로운 풍속을 제정할 때 권위와 정당성을 부여해 주었다. 음주에 대해 대상과 그에 따른 합당한 의미를 부여하여 올바른 음주 풍속의 확립에 폭넓게 사용되었다. 국가의 주요한 정책 결정에 관여하는 政府大臣들의 경망한 음주 형태에 대해서 『詩經』은 하늘을 대신한 준엄한 경고를 내리는 등 조선의 음주 풍속에 유교적 이념의 근거를 마련해 주고 있음을 고찰할 수 있었다. 조선시대 의복 풍속에서, 『詩經』은 조선시대 官員의 禮服 전형에 기준점을 제시해주고, 관료들의 의복착용 문란과 상호분별 없는 사치스 러운 의복 풍속에 節約과 儉素의 상징을 보여주었다. 아울러 館學儒生들의 복식을 제정함에 있어서 그 기준점을 제시해주기도 하였음을 고찰할 수 있었다.

We report the results of our study for ascertaining whether Ganui-dae built in the Josen Dynasty actually performed an astronomical role or not. The Ganui-dae was the first astronomical structure built as a part of the state astronomical undertakings by King Se-Jong. Our analysis was based on the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty. At first we extracted the records regarding Ganui-dae from the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty and then classified them under six heads according to their astronomical meaning and historical significance. From this analysis we found that the Ganui-dae performed the actual astronomical role. In addition, the provisional offices and peoples mentioned in the records show the astronomical correlation. Generally, when taking into account the functional side of the records, the Ganui-dae was related with the observation. Therefore, the Ganui-dae was the space for the astronomical activity. In conclusion, the Ganui-dae was built for the purpose of the astronomical activity.

본고는 정족산본 朝鮮王朝實錄의 漢字 異體字形 연구의 타당성을 검토하기 위해 진행한 기초 작업이다. 實錄은 오랜 기간에 걸쳐 편찬된 歷史書인 만큼 時代나 편찬시기에 따라 여러 자형이 존재한다. 본고에서는 정족산본 태조실록 권1, 태종실록 권1을 대상으로 검토를 진행하였다. 본고에 열거한 유형은 韓國文集叢刊에 나타나지 않은 자형을 대상으로 하였으며, 표제자와 동일한 원리의 자형이 있을 경우 예시하였다. 본고에서 검토한 1) 기존 筆劃의 형태가 추가되거나 변형된 유형’에서 , , , 3種, 2) 글자 판단에 영향을 주지 않는 한도에서 중복되는 필획이나 일부 필획을 생략한 유형’에서 ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’‘ ’, 4種, 3) 유사한 構件으로 변하거나 새로운 형태로 변한 유형’에서 ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’‘ ’ 7種의 자형은 中國의 字書와 日本의 難字異体字典, 韓國의 高麗大藏經異體字典에 나타나지 않았다. 太祖實錄에서 는 ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ 등의 윗부분에서 ‘艹- ’의 변화현상이 자주 나타나며, 太宗實錄에서는 ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ 등의 아랫부분에서 ‘貝- ’의 형태의 자형이 자주 나타났다. 中國字書와 비교 검토한 결과 주로 碑文과 隷書에 관련한 책에 實錄과 동일한 자형이 나타났으며, 이 중 절반이 넘는 15件의 字形은 中國과 日本의 字書에 나타나지 않았다. 漢字文化圈의 모든자료를 검토하지 않았지만 實錄의 일부를 검토한 결과 他國의 字書와 文叢에서는 볼 수 없었던 자형과 실록만의 독특한 자형이 눈에 띄었다.

We tried to establish the history of outbreaks and control methods of ‘hwangchung’ in Joseon Dynasty, uncovering the biological reality of the ‘hwangchung’ (called hwang or bihwang) analyzed through the Database program on ‘the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty’ and ‘the Enrollment of Haegoeje’, two of the finest examples of classical historical records. The total number of articles on the outbreak of the hwangchung is 261 in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty and 65 in the Enrollment of Haegoeje. There were four peaks by hwangchung throughout the Joseon Era. Among them, the periods of King Taejo to King Sejong had the highest incidence. By comparing the number of records of the hwangchung from the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty with that in the Enrollment of Haegoeje during the same period, results show the former was less than the latter, 35 vs 65. However, both records were relatively inconsistent with each other. Insect pests in forests as well as in agriculture were included in the biological identities of the hwangchung in the Joseon Dynasty periods, which is in accordance with those of Saigo’s. The taxonomic identity could be confirmed in only 25 cases (9.5%) among the articles on hwangchung. It largely coincided with Paik"s opinion: 11 in armyworm, nine in moth larva, one in rice stem borer, two in migratory locust, one in planthopper and one in rice-plant weevil. Therefore, it is not reasonable to regard hwangchung as a migratory locust or grasshopper only. The number of reports on the occurrence of hwangchung in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty was 173 (66% of the total) and 47% of them were just simple reports, which means the report itself on the appearance of hwangchung was very significant. The reports on controlling insect pests were of low frequency, in 20% (34 cases) of the total reports, capturing insect pests or holding traditional ceremony called ‘Poje’. Among them, only one case related to the treatment of seeds to prevent the damage by hwangchung was published in the King Sejong period. There were 37 discussions about changes and management of government policies due to disasters by hwangchung. They were mostly about relief or tax cut to the people who suffered damage and about cancellation of recruiting people to military training, constructing castles, and so on. It seems that not only the people but also the king was influenced by the hwangchung. In the case of King Seongjong, he referred to the stress of the prevention measure of locusts in 10 articles. The damage also had an effect on abdication in the reign of King Jeongjong.

우리나라 해충의 역사에서 가장 많이 등장하는 해충명이 황(蝗), 황충(蝗蟲), 또는 비황(飛蝗)이다. 황충은 어떤 특정종의 이름이 아니며, 중국을 비롯한 한자문화권에서 흔히 이주형 풀무치 또는 메뚜기의 총칭으로 흔히 알려져 있다. 하지만, 한반도의 문헌을 비교하여 일찌기 Saigo(1916), Maramatsu(1921), Okamoto(1924)는 군거성 풀무치, 멸구류, 또는 일부 다른 종이 섞여있다는 주장들을 제기한 바 있다. 이에 백(1976과 1977)은 조선왕조실록에서 38건의 황충에 대한 기사를 추출해 분석하여 황충은 멸강나방이 주를 이루고, 일부는 벼멸구이고, 풀무치는 1건만 확인되며 나머지는 종류미상이라 하였다. 하지만 최근에 윤과 문(2003과 2006)은 황충으로 풀무치와 대발생이 가능한 메뚜기류를 중심에 놓고 다른 곤충류의 가능성도 열어둔 바 있다. 이들 주장사이에는 한반도의 황충이란 것이 중국대륙처럼 풀무치를 비롯한 메뚜기류가 중심무리인지 또는 멸강나방 같은 과거에서 현대까지 이어 발생하는 주요 농업해충이 중심 무리인지를 놓고 해석의 차이가 벌어지게 된다. 따라서 우선 조선시대 관료들이 황충을 어떻게 이해했는지 문헌을 통해 고증하고자 한다. 아울러 조선왕조실록 원문DB에서 찾아볼 수 있는 황충 관련기사 229건를 분석하였고, 그 가운데 해석이 가능한 범위에서 현재의 생물학적 실체를 밝히고자 시도하였다. 이를 통해 볼 때, 조선시대의 황충의 실체는 미확인 종이 다수를 차지하였지만, 분석된 기사 중에는 멸강나방 유충을 대표로한 농업해충이 대부분을 차지하고, 진정한 메뚜기류로 볼 수 있는 기록은 2건에 불과하였다. 아울러 문헌 비고를 통해 조선의 황충이란 것은 농업생태계에서 주로 집단적으로 발생하는 해충을 일컫는 용어로 보는 것이 타당할 것으로 판단되었다.

Because of the close ties between Chosun and China, almost Chosun kings set great store by Chinese language teaching and the cultivation of talents in the language. Some of the kings themselves were fluent speakers of Chinese, and tried to make their sons acquire the same ability. A few even took part in the official assessment of their ministers’ abilities in the language. Chinese learning institutes were established; and Chinese learning manuals, complied in large quantity. Yet despite their efforts, the results were sadly disappointing, at least to most of the kings, who lamented constantly of the low language standards. This paper is an exploration of the causes of the failure of the imperial efforts. Based largely on the Chosun Imperial Records, it examines the Chinese language teaching under the imperial auspices (with special focus on speech training), the measures upholding the prestige of Chinese learning, and the ultimate failure. It is hoped that by learning from the past, we can find directions to improve the Chinese teaching of today.

Before I studied this paper, I studied "the Research of the Documents Treated in Chosoˇn-wangjo-sillok": Laying emphasis on the Document. That study was to identify where and how 16 kinds of the documents were mentioned. It's intention was to identify how a policy of courtesy and music in Chosoˇn was acted. Among those researches, it was made certain that Aksoˇ 『樂書』 written by Jin Yang 陳暘 was totally 38 times mentioned and discussed in Chosoˇn-wangjo-sillok『朝鮮王朝實錄』. It was the most frequent appearances among 16 documents quoted in Akhak-kweboˇm 『樂學軌範』, so it was concluded that Aksoˇ was used as the important music document in Chosoˇn. A purpose of this paper is to identify where Aksoˇ written by Chin Yang is mentioned and quoted and to reveal how it is used in Chosoˇn's music and courtesy policy. Revised CD-ROM Chosoˇn-wangjo-sillok translated into Korean published in 1997 is used in that way to study this paper. And the range of this study is from Taejo-sillok 『太祖實錄』 to Ch'oˇljong-sillok 『哲宗實錄』. Besides, I'll identify the content of Aksoˇ, so that I intend to aid the understanding of this paper. Chin Yang's Aksoˇ was mainly used to establish the musical policy from T'aejong 太宗 Period to Sejong 世宗 Period (1418-1450) in Korea Dynasty, it was identified that they hunt for akgong 樂工 at Tang 唐 (China) and then learn the music. And Pak Yoˇn 朴堧 was allowed to edit the music books including an instrumental method and how to make sheet, because he needed a theoretic basis to establish 'royal court of music'. In addition to this, Pak Yoˇn tried to establish music grounding old system such as Aksoˇ written by Chin Yang. According to Chosoˇn-wangjo-sillok, CHin Yang's Aksoˇ was reflected at the musical policy in Sejong Period, especially the content of Akkidosoˇl 『樂器圖說』. In Aksoˇ, not only royal court musical instrument and the ritual things are presented by a picture but also the shape, construct and rendition of the instrument are presented in detail. Therefore Aksoˇ played an important role as a guide in a policy of courtesy and music in the early Chosoˇn times (1392-1592). Aksoˇ which had wide content used to be evaluated in that it had important literal values in the study of chinese music history and the study of music theory, especially in the study of eastern music and culture. As noting in this paper, the content of Aksoˇ which explained by a picture in detail is mentioned and quoted in a policy of courtesy and music by some confucian scholars including Pak Yoˇn in the early Chosoˇn times. And Aksoˇ is quoted 52 times in Akhak-gweboˇm 『樂學軌範』 edited in Soˇngjong 成宗 Period (1469-1494), so it is revealed to be dealt as and important music book. Therefore Aksoˇ is valued as an important book in the study of Chosoˇn's music history. Aksoˇ is mentioned 38 times in Chosoˇn-wangjo-sillok. Accordingly it is sure that Aksoˇ written by Jin Yang is important in the establishment of a policy of courtesy and music in Chosoˇn.

조선왕조실록(朝鮮王朝實錄)에 기록된 기상자료를 가지고 조선 시대의 기후를 분석하고, 서울의 과거 기후와 비교하여 다음과 같은 결론을 얻었다. 서울 지역을 중심으로 기상요소(강수, 우박, 서리, 안개 등)수를 비교하면 조선 시대에 기록된 자료는 최근 자료의 5.4%로 빈약하여 조선왕조실록만을 가지고 조선 시대의 기후를 복원한다는 것은 어렵다. 기우제(祈雨祭)와 기청제(祈請祭) 일수는 강수 일수와는 상관관계가 없다. 강수와 우박 일수는 자료가 부족하긴하나 월별 현황은 최근의 경향과 비슷하다. 서리와 안개의 일수 현황은 과거 10년 동안의 현황과는 많은 차이가 있다. 이것은 피해없이 내린 경우에는 기록되지 않았고 많은 재산과 인명의 피해를 준 것은 기록되었기 때문이라 추측된다.

Wangjo Silok, the official chronicle of Lee Dynasty, carries 131 records on the Kepler Supernova 1604; all of them are given in the present report. Among them 112 records are detailed descriptions about the observed brightness variation over the period from October 13, 1604 (the 37th year of King Sunjo) to April 23, 1605. On July 14, 1605, an addendum is given as a final assessment of the guest star incidence. Since the apparent brightness, size and position are carefully described as compared to bright planets and stars, these records are ideal for retrieving light curve of the Kepler Supernova over the seven month period. Simple procedures are suggested for the derivation of light curve.