본 연구의 목적은 칼빈이 추구하던 교회의 모습, 즉 교회론을 통해 ‘돌봄’(caring) 개념에 대해 고찰하는 것이다. 또한 간호의 정신 중 ‘돌봄’ 개념 속에 내재된 기독교적 정신과 선교적 의미를 찾고자 함에 있다. 칼빈은 「기독교 강요」 속에서 교회의 중요성을 강조했다. 칼빈은 교회를 가시적 교회와 비가시적 교회로 구분하였으며, 가시적 교회 안에 하나님만이 아시는 참된 신자들로 이루어진 불가시적 교회가 내재해 있는 것으로 보았다. 칼빈은 교회의 직분에 대해 강조하고 직분을 목사-장로- 집사- 교사의 직분으로 나누었다. 각 직분은 병든 자를 돌봄, 감독함, 가르침처럼 현대의 간호사가 수행하는 역할들이 포함되어 있다. 우리 모두는 하나의 교회이며, 하나님 나라를 실현해가는 도구이자 장소이다. 칼빈의 교회론을 통해 찾아낸 돌봄은 간호사와 대상자가 상호 주관적 관계를 갖고 서로의 감정을 상상하고, 깨닫고, 행동하고, 접촉하며 언어 등의 수단을 통해 전달하는 것이며, 하나님의 선교, 즉 하나님 계획을 실천하는 것이다.

칼빈의 성화론을 다루면서, 먼저 칼빈에게 있어서 성화의 의미는 지속적인 회개와 온전한 사랑 그리고 칼빈이 주장하는 성화는 내적이면서 동시에 외적인 것임을 확인하면서, 본 논문이 윤리적 관점에서 칼빈의 성화론을 연구하고자 하는 까닭에 “성화”와 “윤리”의 개념이 어떤 관계성을 가지고 있는가를 밝혀 나간다. 칼빈은 하나님의 절대주권 아래서 문화를 보았던 문화 신학자로서, 성화의 범위를 일반 은총의 영역에까지 확장시키고 있으며, 이 외에도 윤리적 영역으로 가장 기본적이고도 중요하다고 할 수 있는 개인 윤리로서 윤리적 삶을 위하여 자기 부정과 십자가를 지는 것, 그리고 감사와 복종 등을 제시하고 있다.

본 연구는 16세기 종교개혁기의 가장 대표적인 개혁자인 칼뱅의 아디아 포라 사상에 대해 탐구하고 있다. 역사적으로 칼뱅은 독재자, 딱딱한 신학 자, 불관용의 대명사와 같은 부정적인 이미지로 각인되었다. 그러나 칼뱅 에 대한 이러한 정형화된 이미지는 칼뱅에 대한 단편적인 측면을 통해 형성된 오해와 편견이다. 실제로 칼뱅의 다양한 글을 통해 그가 비본질적인 사안에 있어서 아디아포라의 자유를 강조함으로 유연한 사고와 관용적 자세를 가졌음을 발견하게 된다. 본 연구의 주된 목적은 이러한 칼뱅의 아디 아포라 사상을 새로운 관점에서 살펴보면서 적용함으로 오늘날 분열과 대립으로 위기에 처한 한국 교회의 연합과 일치를 위한 중요한 원리를 발견 하는 것이다. 이를 위해 필자는 먼저 칼뱅의 아디아포라에 대한 연구사를 살펴보고, 아디아포라 개념으로 사용한 용어가 무엇이며 칼뱅의 아디아포라 개념 형 성에 영향을 끼친 대상을 철학과 교회사로 나누어 살펴보았다. 철학에서는 고대 스토아철학, 교회사에서는 고대 교회의 교부와 16세기 동료 종교개혁 자들이 칼뱅의 아디아포라 개념 형성에 영향을 주었다. 또한 필자는 칼뱅은 아디아포라 개념을 관념적으로만 인식하지 않고 교회 예전, 여성의 지위, 교회의 정치 제도와 같은 구체적인 신학적 주제에 적용하였음을 제시하였다. 칼뱅은 칭의, 예배, 구원과 같은 신앙의 본질이 외의 외적인 규범과 예식은 성경에 명확하게 언급되지 않았기 때문에 시대적인 상황과 교회의 형편에 따라 자유롭게 시행되어야 한다고 하였다. 여성의 공적 지도력 역시 위급하거나 특수한 경우에는 허용될 수 있다고 보았다. 또한 장로 정치 제도를 선호한 칼뱅은 장로 제도만 올바른 제도라고 주장하지 않고 감독 제도를 용인하였다. 마지막으로 필자는 아디아포라는 사랑, 질서, 단정함의 범위 내에 있어야 함을 강조하였다. 필자는 본 연구를 통하여 칼뱅의 아디아포라 사상이 한국 교회에서 보다 더 심도 있게 논의 될 뿐 아니라 신학과 목회 현장에서 구체적으로 적 용됨으로 일치와 연합의 중요한 기초가 되기를 바란다.

본 논문은 16세기 종교개혁 과정에서 ‘유대인’ 또는 ‘유대주의자’라고 불렸던 칼뱅에 대한 연구이다. 칼뱅은 유대인 랍비들을 통해 성서해석에 관한 도움을 받았다. 종교개혁자들과 로마가톨릭교회는 이런 점에 대해 칼 뱅을 ‘유대인’ 또는 ‘유대주의자’라고 비판하였다. 칼뱅은 유대주의자였는 가를 살펴보기 위해 본 논문의 2장은 칼뱅과 유대인에 관해 연구한 학자들 의 입장을 정리한다. 3장에서는 르네상스 시대와 종교개혁 시기에 유대인 들의 역할이 종교개혁자들에게 어떤 영향을 주었는지 살펴본다. 4장에서는 칼뱅이 전통적인 성서해석 입장을 가진 기독교인들과 랍비 유대인의 성서 해석을 어떻게 수용해서 자신만의 성서해석의 길을 걸었는지에 대해 연구 한다. 5장에서는 칼뱅과 유대인 논쟁에 대해 다루면서, 기독교인-유대인 간 의 논쟁의 역사도 제시한다. 6장에서는 칼뱅과 반유대주의의 문제를 논한 다. 끝으로 지금까지 논의를 정리하고, 그에 대한 필자의 생각을 밝힌다.

시리아 내전 이후 난민은 세계가 직면한 가장 큰 문제 가운데 하나가 되 었고, 이 문제가 교회와 사회에 대해 지니는 의미는 매우 크다. 한국사회와 한국교회가 원하건 말건 간에, 난민문제는 이미 다가왔고, 전 세계로부터 이에 대한 책임을 요구받고 있다. 사실 난민문제는 성경과 교회역사 가운 데 항상 접해왔던 유구한 문제이며, 특히 세계화 현상을 맞은 오늘날 그 중요성이 더욱 인식되기 시작한 문제이다. 급기야 2016년 브라질 리오에서 개최된 하계 올림픽에서는 난민들이 한 팀을 이뤄 참여하기도 하였다. 이 런 맥락에서, 우리는 종교개혁가 칼뱅의 삶과 사역을 통하여, 난민사역의 한 측면을 들여다보았다. 본 논문은 칼뱅을 종교난민, 난민목회자, 난민사역의 관점에서 살펴보았 다. 먼저 칼뱅은 종교난민이었는데, 그는 이방인에서 이웃으로 다시 시민 으로 신분이 바뀌었지만, 난민의 정체성을 지녔고, 그것이 그의 신학과 사 역에 영향을 미쳤다. 또한 칼뱅은 난민목회자였는데, 그는 난민목회에 대 한 문제의식을 지녔고, 이를 해결하고자 구조와 사역자를 마련하였다. 이 런 칼뱅의 난민사역의 유산을 검토하면서, 난민의 정체성, 난민의 연대, 상 황과 목회라는 교훈과 도전을 살펴보았다. 특히 칼뱅의 삶과 사역을 통하여, 난민 나아가 이주민이 경험할 이주, 추방, 외국인혐오 등의 문제를 들여다볼 수 있었으며, 따라서 환대의 신학 의 중요성이 다시금 대두되었다. 더구나 기독교가 중심이 아닌 주변의 위 치에 설 때 신학적 개혁이 가능하다는 도전도 살펴보았다. 이제 한국교회 도 난민사역의 근거가 되는 난민신학을 구성하고, 난민사역을 개발해야할 당위성에 직면하고 있다. 이주민, 특히 난민은 이동, 즉 이주와 관련된 존재인데, ‘이동 중인 인간’ 은 가장 위약한 존재이고, 가장 도움이 필요한 존재이며, 동시에 복음에 대 한 수용성이 가장 높은 존재이다. 따라서 난민은 마태복음 28장의 복음선 교는 물론이고 마태복음 25장의 긍휼선교의 우선적인 대상이요, 또한 주체 인 것이다.

The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationship between Calvin and Anabaptist radicals in the sixteenth century This study first traces the relations of Calvin and Anabaptists from historical perspective, and then examines from theological perspective Schleitheim Confession(1527), which is an early Anabaptists’ articles of faith, and Calvin’s Brief Instruction Against the Errors of the Common Sect of the Anabaptists(1544), which is Calvin’s refutation against Schleitheim Confession. In the sixteenth-century reformation movements, Calvin on the one hand should fight against Roman Catholicism, and on the other hand have to stand against Anabaptist radicals. Calvin cries for reform against Roman Church’s ecclesia deformata, at the same time he raises his voice against Anabaptist’s sectarian errors pursuing ecclesia perfecta. This study discloses what Calvin and Anabaptists argue, and what theological points of dispute between them are. In particular, it analyzes their differences from three significant topics, baptism, church, and state.

This paper aims at showing Calvin’s position against Jews. In Calvinstudies it is admitted that it is difficult to present his perspective about Jews, because it is unlikely that Calvin had met any Jews in France. In addition, he never wrote any books or texts on the Jewish people in his life. There is only one text that has been published after his death. Therefore, I will divide his life in to three parts, and then I analyse his texts and his biblical commentaries published during his life. I observe his attitude toward the Jews as a chosen people in the Old Testament and the Jews living in his contemporary. In this analysis I present that Calvin’s position has changed. In other words, this means that there is a linguistic difference between his books and his biblical commentaries published in his lifetime and the text ‘Ad quaestiones et obiecta cuiusdam repsonsio’ published after his death. Therefore, by tracing the date of this text, I will attempt to show the reasons, why Calvin had changed.

Considering the growing importance of the issue of the Christians’ participation into the Politics, this study aims to compare John Calvin(1509-1564)’s political thoughts and his works in Geneva and the political ideas and activities of Abraham Kuyper(1837-1920). According to this research, Abraham Kuyper had re-found Calvin’s political thoughts, and tried to apply these ideas to the modern secularized European society. While Kuyper was struggling against the spirit of the French Revolution after the Napoleon’s regime, the Dutch society was experiencing the radical social segmentation. Under these social circumstances Kuyper was able to succeed in the formation of the Christian “Public Face,” respecting the tolerance and democratic way of thinking. In the sixteenth century Calvin’s political thoughts showed “via media,” walking in the middle way between the conservative Roman Catholics and the radical Anabaptists. Just as Calvin did, Kuyper also followed the “via media” between the conservative wings, following Metternich’s line and the radical socialists. Both Calvin and Kuyper recognized the state as established by God in order to keep the human dignity and peace in the society. Calvin’s political thought was based on the “regnum Dei(the rule of God)” over the Church and the State. In Kuyper’s case, he put his political idea on the “Pro Rege (For the King)” and “Souvereintiteit in Eigen Kring (Sphere Sovereignty)” and the “Common Grace.” Calvin believed that the state and the church must co-work for the human life and the poor in the society, while he struggled the independence of the church from the state. However, in the pillared society of the 19th` century of the Netherlands, Kuyper could make the political thoughts of Calvin in practice through the foundation of the Christian political party based on the Democracy. Thus the Dutch Calvinists and especially Kuyper could bring the Christian value and norm in the secular society.

Der Syllogismus practicus, der die oft für charakteristisch für den Calvinismus gehalten wird, die Ansicht, dass die Erwählung an Wohlergehen und Wohlstand des Mensch abgelesen werden könne, bildete sich im 17. Jahrhundert heraus. Der Syllogismus practicus kommt nun ins Spiel, die Lehre nämlich, dass man aus den guten Werken, die man vollbringt, auf den eigenen Gnadenstand zurückschliessen kann. Denn diese Lehre stellt, so Weber, das entscheidende Bindeglied zwischen dem calvinistischen Berufsverständnis und der innerweltlichen Askese auf der einen und dem Kapitalismus dar. Aber diese Studie will aufzeigen, dass Calvin nirgendwo behauptet hat, dass er wirtschaftlichen Erfolg als Maßtab dafür angesehen häte, ob ein Mensch von Gott erwät ist. Die sich anschließenden Überlegungen sollen dann detailliert die eigentliche Form von Syllogismus practicus Calvins erbringen, dass Glaube und gute Werke Zeichen der Berufung Gottes sind, die Zeichen der Erwählung Gottes ist. Calvin nun hat sich streng an die Texte Luthers und Zwinglis angeschlossen, sowohl in der Terminologie als auch in den inhaltlichen Zusammenhängen. 1) Nach Luther sind die guten Werke Zeichen sind für den eigenen Glauben an Christus. Sie machen dem Gläubigen seine Erwählung gewiss. 2) Nach Zwingli führt Gottes Vorsehung zur Erwählung, die Erwählung zum Glauben und der Glaube zu guten Werken. Oder in umgekehrter Reihenfolge: Die guten Werke sind das Zeichen des Glaubens, der Glaube ist das Zeichen der Erwählung und die Erwählung Zeichen der Vorsehung. Von hier aus lässt sich begründen, dass Zwinglis Syllogismus practicus auf der Ebene der Vorsehung die Praxis des Gesetzes in gesellschaftlicher Dimension begründet.

The vast writings on the Reformation and the Modern science have produced in terms of either-or. In other words, the relations between the Reformation and the Modern science have interpreted either in negative way or in positive way. The negative interpretations hold that the Reformation would have had little effect on modern scientific revolution. On the other hand, the positive interpretations argue that specific doctrines or attitudes affirmed by the Reformers and their followers contributed directly or indirectly to the growth of modern science. After brief discussion of each of these interpretations, this paper will claim that the correlationship of the Reformation and the Modern science would be explained more clearly when interpretations of their relation are explored in terms of Calvin’s principle of accommodation. For Calvin, accommodation is related to his understanding of God. According to Calvin, God reduces or adjusts to human capacities in order to reveal the infinite mysteries of his being. Because his mysteries are beyond the powers of human being to grasp. The paper will try to reveal the importance of Calvin’s accommodation theory through his understanding of nature. For Calvin, the world of nature represents traces of God’s handiwork. The world is a “mirror”, in which God may be viewed. Therefore, Calvin was intensely interested in exploring of nature. The attitude of Calvin toward nature enabled science to able to penetrate more deeply into the secrets of divine wisdom. Consequently, the paper shows that complexities of relation between the Reformation and the rise of modern science appears to be many-sided. In addition, this paper demonstrates that it is noteworthy to note the relations of religion and science in the Reformation era as an important instance historically.

Heinrich Bullinger and John Calvin agreed on a common doctrine of the Eucharist in 1549. They signed a mutual agreement in Zurich, includes 26 items:≪Consensus Tigurinus≫, which was published in Zurich and Geneva in 1551. The agreement between the Zurich and the Geneva branch of the Reformation is historically significant. On the one hand, the≪Consensus Tigurinus≫brought the unity of the Zwinglian Reformation and that of the Calvinist in Switzerland. This means to be a single Reformed Church. But on the other hand, the document was attacked by the Gnesio Lutheran Joachim Westphal, and it brought about the innocent occasion of the second sacramental controversy.

This article begins with an introduction of women in Calvin’s time in order to explain his context and his attitude about women and women’s issues. Calvin’s Christian thoughts are of great importance both to the church and the society at large. In this article, the author focuses on women around Calvin: more particularly, Calvin’s marriage with Idelette de Bure, his concept of marriage and Marie Dentière as pioneer of women’s theology in his historical context. The author focused on illustrations of influential women in Calvin’s time and their limitations full emancipation. Calvin challenged the medieval ethic of marriage issues while retaining some conservative attitudes. However, he shouldn’t be criticized to feminist measures of the twenty-first century. It is obvious that there are certain limitations of his ideas in his era, but at the same time provides an important theological basis for further development within the Swiss reformed tradition. Particularly in the churches, one must learn to avoid discrimination gender, race, or social class, and instead place as much value as possible on each individual.

This paper explores the function and the role of poverty in the theology of John Calvin. In recent years, Calvin scholarship has been concerned to the ministry of the Genevan Church to social welfare policy, especially the poor. The writer tries to reveal peculiarity of Calvin’s system with respect to social welfare, examining numerous studies on his social and economic ethics. This study demonstrates that Calvin’s theology of poverty undercuts merit piety of medieval Roman Catholic Church, and that he relates the issue of poverty to his Christology, the nature of the Christian life, and the Church. This study proceeds as follows. The introduction discusses the concept of the Church Fathers and understanding of medieval church on poverty. The second chapter describes Genevan context of the sixteenth century in regard to civil relief system. This chapter shows that before Calvin comes to Geneva, there has been social care system developed by Genevan citizens. The chapter sketches an historical context for Calvin’s theological view on poverty. This fact plays an important role in reconstruction of social welfare institutions by Calvin. He endeavors to reform relief system of the poor in coordination of the ecclesiastical system and civil magistrates. Chapter three will be divided into three parts. First part examines Calvin’s theology of the poverty in his writings and sermons. Calvin interprets multifariously the poverty of Christ and its significance for the Christian life and the church, investigating theological meanings of physical and spiritual poverty. Second part examines the right use of wealth, showing that Calvin is essentially primer among the Reformation theologians to wrestle with the interrelation of secular economic development and the material and moral welfare of the individual. Third part argues the relationship between the ecclesiastical system and civil system in Calvin’s social welfare. This part demonstrates that for Calvin, coterminous interaction between the church and civil government on charitable work was unique. Conclusion part says several remarks of Calvin’s theology of poverty.

For a long time John Calvin was understood mainly as theologian, but he understood himself as doctor and pastor. To both ministries he believed that he was directly called by God and performed his ministry with honor and sincerity. Against Cardinal Sadoleto’s sharp questioning on his qualifications as pastor, Calvin declared that his calling came from God and believed his destiny to be similar to that of the Old Testaments Prophets, who were personally and unconditionally called by God, and delivered God’s message by the help of the Spirit. Therefore, unlike the Catholic priests, he became a pastor without endorsement from church authority via an ordination ceremony. As Alexander Ganozy contested, Calvin seemed to consider the calling of the local church and his actual function as pastor to be the most effective way to become a pastor. This may be scandalous to some modern Christians who are familiar with grand ordination ceremonies, but omission of ordination can be understood as a sensible choice for Calvin when the Protestant Reformers already broke with the tradition of the Roman Catholic Church. Upon returning to Geneva Calvin ministered churches with the fourfold ministry system-pastor, doctor, elder and deacon. Among pastoral duties preaching and teaching the Word was a primary responsibility. However, teaching the Word was not enough; the Word has to be realized in the actual life of believers. Calvin espoused the three marks of believers (notae fidelium) - confession of faith, example of life, regular participation in sacraments-and it is noted in this article that Calvin’s understanding of the pastor’s role is to assist his parishioners to bear those marks. To make this happen pastors cannot work by themselves. The nature of ideal ministry which Calvin advocated in Geneva was collegial and cooperative. He insisted in forming the Geneva Consistory and worked closely with elders in caring, educating, and discipling newly-converted Protestant Genevans. Furthermore, Calvin also started the Company of Pastors in Geneva with the purpose of enhancing pastor’s intellectual and spiritual quality, and further holding each other’s morality in check. In regard to the Company of Pastors this article introduced its five functions largely based upon Robert Kingdon’s observations: (1) examination of pastoral candidates; (2) member’s education; (3) mutual criticism; (4) mission work; (5) almsgiving, especially for French refugees at the time. Although Calvin himself did not go through the ordination ceremony, he devised a procedure and protocol with which a pastor may be examined by the Company and church, and eventually appointed by the city council. Once appointed, the pastor was in close communication and check with fellow pastors of the city and its suburbs. Calvin’s own understanding of himself as pastor and his practices as pastor offer some lessons to modern pastors and churches such as a thorough examination process for pastoral candidates and organized collegial relationships between pastors.