19세기 근대로 가는 길목에서 조선은 외세의 침입이라는 새로운 시대 상황을 맞게 되었다. 이러한 외압(外壓)에 대응하는 데 가장 근본이 되었 던 것이 당시는 수군(水軍)이라 불렸던 조선 해군(海軍)의 군사력이었고 할 수 있다. 이러한 인식을 바탕으로 본 연구는 19세기 조선 해군 전력 의 일단(一端)을 살펴볼 수 있는 실증적 사례 연구를 진행하였다. 구체적 으로 전라좌수영(全羅左水營)에 속해 있던 광양현(光陽縣)과 경상우수영 (慶尙右水營)에 속해 있던 하동부(河東府)의 수군 전력의 실태를 파악하 고자 하였다. 이들 두 군현은 19세기 ‘중기(重記)’ 자료가 남아 있다. 중 기 자료는 작성 당시 지방 군현의 군비 실태를 파악할 수 있는 가장 좋 은 자료이다. 따라서 이 중기 자료를 중심으로 19세기 조선 해군 전력의 일단을 살펴보았다. 이와 더불어 각종 관찬 자료와 읍지(邑誌), 사례(事 例) 등을 비교 검토하였다. 이 연구를 통해 19세기 조선 해군 전력의 일 단을 확인하였다. 당시 조선 정부는 해양 방위[海防]에 상당한 관심을 가 지고 있었지만 이에 대응한 해군 전력의 향상은 적절히 이루어지지 못한 것으로 보인다. 이는 본 연구를 통해 일부 확인되는 것처럼 특히 지방 군현의 수군 전력은 형식적 전력을 유지하는 데 그쳤고, 그 실제는 전력 이 약화되고 있었던 것으로 여겨진다.

This research interprets the unique hybridity of the pavilion architecture in the Joseon Dynasty, in which the name and form do not match and the rooms and floors are combined in various ways, through the confucian architectural prototype Muijeongsa(武夷精舍) built by Zhu Xi(朱熹). The architectural representation of Muijeongsa, developed against the background of the mid-Joseon period of active pavilion management by Sarim(士林) groups, the spread of ondols due to the Little Ice Age, and an architectural culture following the footsteps of the Zhu Xi is likely to have influenced the perception and practice of pavilion architecture. In this research, by examining and analyzing the contents of the Muijeongsa Japyeongbyeongseo(武夷精舍雜詠幷序) containing the architectural composition of Muijeongsa, it was confirmed that different types of spaces such as Dang(堂), Jeong(亭), Jae(齋), and Gwan(館) are integrated into Muijeongsa. Based on this, the main examples of the architecture of Jeongsa in the mid-Joseon Dynasty were reinterpreted into four types from the perspective of the combination of Dang and Jeong, and the junction of Jeong and Jeongsa. Dang and Jeong were either juxtaposed as separate buildings or implemented with a relationship of inclusion within one building. And the concept of Jeong, which was considered secondary to Dang, was used as a category that was replaced with the Jeongsa itself. Lastly, the name ‘Jeongsa’ was used, but the location had a strong character of ‘Jeong’, and the architectural form adhered to the form of ‘Dang’, thereby exquisitely reconstructing the composition of Muijeongsa as a single building.

This study researched the food culture and bean economy of the Joseon dynasty during the 16th century and according to the primary lifestyle reference『Shaemirok (瑣尾錄)』. The research analyzed the textual contents of the『Shaemirok (瑣尾錄)』. It is clear that the people of the Joseon dynasty produced more beans than grain, at a ratio of 41 to 50, respectively. The soy bean sauce consumption was split into family consumption and non-family consumption. It was evident that there was more family consumption compared to that of non-family consumption at a ratio of 7 to 3, respectively. People of the Joseon dynasty annually recorded their way of making soy sauce from 1595 to 1600. The Joseon writers edited the record six times for making meju and four times for making soy sauce. The recorded ratio displays the ingredients of soy sauce, which were: 6 Du of Mal Jang and 2 Du of salt. Mal Jang and salt had a three to one ratio, respectively. The most mentioned food was Tofu during the mid-Joseon period with fifty six mentions. The Joseon people regarded making Tofu in a Buddhist temple as a family-bonding experience. Porridge was the second most prominent food next to Tofu, among the bean-related food. Porridge appears thirty five times. There were 3 types of porridge named: bean porridge, bean powder porridge and mung bean porridge.

There were lots of changes of the wooden structure in the middle of Joseon Dynasty. It was the time of replacement from Jusimpo (simple bracket system) to Ikgong (wing-like bracket system) and each bracket had shown mutual variation as well as itself. The aspects of change were discovered that the decorative elements of Ikgong and Dapo (multi-bracket system) had accepted from each other. It was clearly shown that not only the Ungung (carved cloud-shape) and Chotgaji (shape of the acuminate leaf) of Ikgong had affected to Dapo, but also Gaang (pseudo-pointing cantilever) of Dapo had affected to Ikgong. It was mostly found in the Buddhist architecture because there was the conservatization of ruling hierarchy as well as the active growth of Buddhist society.

This study compared recipes of Korean Traditional steamed dishes, Noodles, Rice cake & Confectionary in Choi’s Recipe (「Choi’s Eumsikbeop」) with those in other literatures written during the mid-Joseon Dynasty. Through this work, it aimed to explore the value of Choi’s Recipe (「Choi’s Eumsikbeop」) in the history of cooking and the meanings of its recipes. Choi’s Recipe (「Choi’s Eumsikbeop」) contains recipes for a total of 20 kinds of food. Specifically, there are seven kinds of Fermented dishes (kimchi (6), and salted fermented food (1)), four kinds of Steamed dishes, seven kinds of Confectionary and Sweet (rice cake (4), jeonggwa (1), and dang (2)), and two kinds of Noodles (dumpling (1), and noodle (1)). Among them, the steamed dishes revealed characteristics of 17th-century food as in other cooking books, and some of them utilized unique ingredients handed down only through head families. Moreover, some recipes showed different cooking methods using similar materials. This suggests the originality of the recipes in this cooking book.

War against Japanese(1592-1599) and war against Manchurian(1636-1637), which had been occurred in Korean Peninsula throughout the history, and frequent trade with foreign countries since 18th century have led to a distribution of foreign food into Korea. Several examples for this include tomato, apple, watermelon, maize, pea, cowpea, peanut, potato from China and red pepper, pumpkin, and sweet potato from Japan. Since these foods had been brought into Korea, they have been cultivated suitable for Korea's climate and land. Foreign foods with a few exceptions tend to have high calories. For instance, along with potato and sweet potato, pumpkin is considered a high-calorie food containing lots of starches as it becomes ripening. This helped a wide spread of the foreign foods across the nation where intake of high-calorie foods was critical for Korean people's nutrition at that time. Among those foods introduced from foreign countries, red pepper had a greatest impact on the dietary life-style of Chosun Dynasty. The use of red pepper has been greatly expanded from main ingredient to seasoning and garnishing in various forms of red pepper such as red pepper paste, red pepper powder, and thick soy paste mixed with red pepper. Red pepper was made eating habits is hot besides dye red colored to traditional food, because steaming and boiling is frequently cook method, fermentation food also food color is achromatic therefore food color is and mixture with red pepper, picked fish and chinese cabbage new kimchi culture came into being.

Regional foods is influenced by weather, local and social environment etc. The purpose of this study was to understand that regional foods in the middle of Chosun Dynasty through Domundaejac. Some of representative dishes of the Hansung and Kyonggi-do Area is duck(rice cake) of seasonally celebrated days, hangua(korea confectionary) and rice wine. Typical foods in Chungchong-do Area is included persimmon, jujube, watermelon and wax gourd. Some of the well-known food in Kangwon-do Area is pear, bangpungchuk(gruel), sukebyung(rice cake), woongjijunggua(korea confectionary) and sanat-kimchi(picked mustard leaves and stem) that is seemed characteristics of mountainous section. Some of the famous dishes in Cholla-do Area is backsanja(korea confectionary), tea, chuksun kimchi(bamboo shoot pickle), citrus fruits and ear shell. Kyongsan-do Area ia famous persimmon, bamboo fruit, dasik(korea confectionary) and yakban(glutinous rice cake). Hwanghae-do Area is famed pear and choshi as assumed the eatly form of gochujang(thick soypaste mixed with red pepper). Representative dishes are deljjuk(blue berry), herring, sangat-kimchi(picked mustard leaves and sterm) in Hamgyong-do Area and daemandu(big dumpling) in Pyongan-do Area. The coast area is famous for using lots of sea food. Fresh seafood is consumed raw, and clams, fish and seaweed are liberally added to soups and other dishes. The East coast is catched salmon, flatfish, codfish, sandfish and mackerel The West coast is catched yellow corvenia, lobster, tiny shrimp and large-eyed herring. The South coast is catched sea mussel, codfish and laver.

Food goods traded between Korea and Japan during the middle period of the Cho Sun era included Insam (Jinseng), rice, beans, honey, perilla oil, starch, adlay, walnuts, pine nuts, jujubes, hazelnuts, and dired chestnuts as exports ; and pepper as imports. The number of Japanese envoies that visited regularly was one thousand five hundred people a year. The receptions that were held for them during the middle period equaled those of the first term of the Cho Sun era, but these receptions were only held in Pu-san. The expense of daily meals was broken down into 8 grades ranging from \129,300 to 2133. The daily meals included Jo-ban (breakfast), Jo-seok-ban (breakfast and dinner), and Ju-jeom-shim (lunch) for the Japanese who visited regularly. During the course of a year, the total amount spent on daily meals was put at a billion won. The banquet style meals included Ha-seon-da-rye (a welcome tea party), Ha-seon-yeon (a welcome banquet), No-cha-yeon (a banquet that was held on the street), and Ye-dan-da-rye (a drink banquet that was held when silk was offered as a gift). It also included Byeol-yeon (a banquet out of the dordinary), Sang-seon-yeon (a farewell banquet), and Myong-il-yeon (a banquet that was held on a national holiday). The banquet style meals were composed of Ceon-tack (to set a table for dinner), Sang-hwa (a flower that was put on the food), Kwan-hwa (to offer a flower when a banquet was held), Ju-9-jan (the ninth wine glass), Dae-seon (meat), music, and Jung-bae-rye (a banquet that was held again after a banquet). The Cho Sun government held banquets forty five times for the Japanese, the food expense for the banquets was put at two hundred and thirty million won.

As people know how to brew a wine from fruits and cereals, they continued to develope various wines good to their taste. Korean wines are also ones made from cereals and they have long been eager to improve the delicate taste. They used to drink Takju, raw rice wine, made from nonglutinous rice and Nuruk, a kind of yeast starter. During Koryo Dynasty, Soju a liquor was imported from Won(the Chinese dynasty). Nowadays this traditional folk wine, which had been developed variously and drunk all over the country, is decreasing year after year. The purpose of this study was to review on the wines ; its kinds, raw materials, brewing method, manufacturing utensils, measuring units and devices and the terms for wine making based on 20 documents published in 1600, in the middle of Yi dynesty. The results of review were as follows. 1. There were 121 kinds of wines at that time in Korea. 2. Among the raw materials for wines, major materials were glutinous rice, nonglutinous rice, wheat flour, wheat, mung bean, and black soybean. And minor materials were pepper corn, Lycium chinenisis, cinnamon, pine needles, pine nuts, jujube, mugwort leaves, lotus leaves, pine corn, pine bud, chrysanthemum, pine flowers, honey, Acanthopanox seoultenses, bamboo-root, marrowbone of blak cow, sweet flag, Ciprus noblis, Saurea lappa, honey suckle, Tricho santhes, azalea, the leaves of the paper mulberry, and bark of chungum tree. 3. There were several kinds of wines such as a wine without using Nuruk, a wine made from glutinous rice, nonglutinous rice, or glutinous and nonglutinous rice with flour. 4. There were several brewing methods for wines such as a wine boiled with ring rice cake, a wine brewed with loaves of rice cake, a wine brewed with hard boiled rice, a wine brewed with rice gruel, and a wine brewed with powdered rice gruel. 5. There were 23 kinds of utensils including measuring devices for weight and volume.

出處는 儒學에서 선비들에게 요구한 중요한 덕목이며, 많은 유학자들이 실천하기 위해 노력했다. 대표적으로 남명 조식은 출처를 君子의 큰 절조로 보았으며, 평생 ‘處士’로 실천했다. 그런데 문제는 조정의 계속된 출사요구를 거부한 남명을 퇴계와 같은 당대의 유학자들은 부정적으로 보아 그 의미를 축소하거나, 학문적 體認의 결과가 아닌 개인적 기질의 결과로 이해하기도 했다는 점이다. 그리고 긍정적으로 평가하는 경우에도 ‘기절’이나 ‘기상’, ‘절개’등 개인적 차원의 의미만을 강조하여, ‘정치를 외면하지 않았다’며 정치적 의미에 대해선 소극적으로 해석하는 경향이 있다. 이 연구는 이러한 문제의식에서 남명의 처사적 삶과 사상을 보다 적극적으로 이해하기 위한 것이다. 이를 위하여 남명의 ‘처’ 즉 ‘물러남’이 가지는 국가권력과의 ‘거리감’에 주목한다. 유학은 현실정치를 긍정하여 ‘나아가감(出)’을 강조했지만, ‘處-물러남’ 또한 강조했다. 이러한 ‘처’는 유학자들이 현실의 정치권력과 적절한 거리를 둠으로써 견제와 긴장을 만들어낸 요소이기도 했다. 남명은 이러한 ‘물러남의 정치학’을 잘 이해했으며, 그의 출처사상과 처사로서의 삶에 고스란히 담겨있다. 그래서 남명의 處는 개인적 기절의 결과로서가 아니라 국가권력에 대한 ‘경계’와 ‘비판’ ‘저항’의 의미를 갖고 있었다. 나아가 ‘폭력적 국가권력’을 ‘공공의 국가권력’으로 변화 시키려는 문제제기도 담고 있었다. ‘나아갈 줄만 알고 물러날 줄 모른다’는 당대 지식인들에 대한 남명의 비판과 그가 실천한 ‘물러남의 정치학’은 현대의 정치현실에 있어서도 부당한 권력을 비판하고 거부하는 정신으로 계승될 수 있으며, 나아가 권력의 성격을 보다 공적인 것으로 만들어나가 현대의 민주주의 발전에도 도움 될 수 있을 것이다.

진주 월아산의 法輪寺와 靑谷寺는 寺格에서 조선 초기에 법륜사가 우월했으나 조선 중기에 접어들면서 차츰 변화가 일어나 청곡사가 우위에 서게 되었다. 이러한 변화의 주요한 요인은 사족들과의 인적 네트 워크에서 찾을 수 있다. 특히 牧隱 李穡과 愼齋 周世鵬 등은 조선 중기 진주지역 사족들의 청곡사에 대한 긍정적 인식, 청곡사의 사격 변화와 사세 유지·확장에 적지 않은 영향을 끼쳤던 인물이다. 청곡사의 사격이 높아지자 16세기 중반에 이르러 진주지역의 사족들도 그곳을 유람과 독서의 장소로서 자주 찾거나 머무는 장소로 삼았다. 이로써 청곡사는 지역 사족들의 다양한 경험이 매개된 장소로서 의미를 갖기 시작했다. 이들은 남명학파로 분류되는 지역의 이름난 사족 가문 출신이었다. 이는 1592년 10월 왜군에 의해 燒盡된 청곡사의 중창 불사가 비교적 빠른 1601년 겨울부터 시작될 수 있었던 사회·문화적 배경이었다. 浮査 成汝信과 鳳岡 趙㻩은 17세기 전반에 이루어진 청곡사의 중창 불사를 重建 記文으로 남겼다. 이는 청곡사 역사에서 남아 전하는 첫 문헌적 근거라는 점에서 의미가 적지 않다. 성여신의 ｢靑谷寺重建記｣ 와 조겸의 ｢靑谷僧堂記｣에 의하면 청곡사의 중창 불사는 1601년 겨울부터 시작되어 1624년에 1차, 1644년에 2차에 걸쳐 모두 70여 칸 이상의 전각이 완성되었으며, 이 절의 승려 性侃, 戒行, 克明, 道引, 宗修, 惠嚴 등이 주도하였다. 또 두 기문에는 청곡사의 寺勢를 엿볼 수 있는 내용이 구체적으로 나온다. 이러한 청곡사 중창의 시기에 진주지역 남명학파는 정치적 격변을 겪었다. 특히 서인정변 이후 진주지역 사족 집단은 정치적 측면에서 정체성의 혼란을 겪었다. 이 같은 때 성여신 등은 정치적 불안과 혼란에 대응하여 自靖하고 뒤이어 그들은 청곡사를 은거의 장소로 삼았다. 이는 1602년 이후 청곡사의 중창 불사로 인한 寺格과 寺勢의 변화가 초래한 공간적 요인만이 아니라 정치적 오해를 불식시킬 필요성과 무관하지 않다고 본다.

승산리는 진주목 東面 勝禦山里에 속한 네 개의 자연 마을 가운데 상승어산과 하승어산에 해당한다. 임진왜란 후에 이웃 龍奉里에 합해 졌다. 승산리 사람들의 일상 생활과 관련된 길은 비교적 잘 발달되어 있었다. 특히 승산리는 남해안 고성지역에서 내륙의 의령·삼가지역을 연결하는 지름길에 위치하였다. 승산리에 마을이 형성된 시기는 1474 년 무렵이며, 처음으로 들어선 곳은 蓮塘 許東岦(1601-1662)의 유허 지 연당의 북쪽 일원이었다. 승산리 김해 허씨의 입향조는 許錘인데, 1474년 허추는 진주 班東山 里 진양 강씨 姜叔卿의 딸에게 장가를 들고 얼마 지나지 않아 승산리로 이거하였다. 이로써 승산리에 사족이 거주하게 되었다. 허추는 비록 학문으로 뜻을 이루지 못하고 제수된 벼슬도 참봉에 지나지 않았지만 생육신으로서 명망이 높은 함안 원북리 漁溪 趙旅의 가문과 情分을 깊이 맺고서 교유하였던 인물이다. 승산리는 15세기 말기에 사족 마을을 형성하였으나 17세기 중엽까 지도 多數의 사족이 거주하는 마을로 성장하지 못했다. 승산리가 사족 마을로서 성장하는 데에 첫 디딤돌을 놓았던 이가 입향조 허추라면 그 정치·사회적 기반을 공고히 한 인물이 觀瀾 許國柱이다. 관란 허국주 는 비록 벼슬이나 학문으로 현달하지 않았지만 그는 임진왜란 때 의병 활동으로 승산리 김해 허씨 가문의 정치·사회적 기반을 공고히 하였던 인물임에 틀림없다. 조선 중기 승산리는 사족 마을로서 성장의 한계를 지녔으나 17세기 중엽 이후 승산리 김해 허씨는 벼슬로 현달한 자가 배출되는 등 사족 마을로서 성장을 거듭하였다.