This research interprets the unique hybridity of the pavilion architecture in the Joseon Dynasty, in which the name and form do not match and the rooms and floors are combined in various ways, through the confucian architectural prototype Muijeongsa(武夷精舍) built by Zhu Xi(朱熹). The architectural representation of Muijeongsa, developed against the background of the mid-Joseon period of active pavilion management by Sarim(士林) groups, the spread of ondols due to the Little Ice Age, and an architectural culture following the footsteps of the Zhu Xi is likely to have influenced the perception and practice of pavilion architecture. In this research, by examining and analyzing the contents of the Muijeongsa Japyeongbyeongseo(武夷精舍雜詠幷序) containing the architectural composition of Muijeongsa, it was confirmed that different types of spaces such as Dang(堂), Jeong(亭), Jae(齋), and Gwan(館) are integrated into Muijeongsa. Based on this, the main examples of the architecture of Jeongsa in the mid-Joseon Dynasty were reinterpreted into four types from the perspective of the combination of Dang and Jeong, and the junction of Jeong and Jeongsa. Dang and Jeong were either juxtaposed as separate buildings or implemented with a relationship of inclusion within one building. And the concept of Jeong, which was considered secondary to Dang, was used as a category that was replaced with the Jeongsa itself. Lastly, the name ‘Jeongsa’ was used, but the location had a strong character of ‘Jeong’, and the architectural form adhered to the form of ‘Dang’, thereby exquisitely reconstructing the composition of Muijeongsa as a single building.

The “古今釋林” (Gugjin Seoknim) compiled by the Korean scholar Yi Yifeng (1732-1801) is a comprehensive and systematic compilation of various language dictionaries from the pre-19th century Joseon period that recorded Hanja (Chinese character) vocabulary. This analysis focuses on the entries found in “古今 釋林·東韓譯語·釋親”, which includes words related to Hanja characters. These entries consist of words that have the same literal meaning as their Hanja characters, such as “阿父, 别室”, words that borrow Hanja characters’ phonetics for annotation, like “阿兒, 南人”, and words that borrow Hanja characters’ forms and meanings to create vocabulary expressing native Korean culture, like “兩主, 冷背拜”. This paper investigates the phonetic Hanja character words borrowed for annotation in the Korean language and combines them with phonetic analysis, revealing the transitional phase of using Hanja for phonetic representation and the coexistence of Hanja and the Korean language during that time. The adaptation of Hanja characters’ forms and meanings to create Korean terms enriches our understanding of the Hanja vocabulary created during the Joseon period. By comparing and analyzing the similarities and differences in the meanings and definitions of Hanja characters in both Korean and Chinese, this study offers a deeper and more comprehensive analysis of the diversity of Hanja’s usage during the Joseon period and its impact on modern Chinese and modern Korean.

This research aims to understand the specific aspects of the utilization of the pavilion by a group of governors in the mobile office system of the early Joseon Dynasty through two diaries written in the 16th century. Miam Diary by Yu Hee-chun, a governor of Jeolla Province, and Jaeyeongnam Diary by Hwang Sa-woo, a chief aide of Gyeongsang Province, are important historical materials that reveal the utilization patterns of the pavilion by the governor, who was the decision maker and main user of governmental pavilions. As a result of analyzing the two diaries, the utilization of governmental pavilions was concentrated in the hot summer season, May to July, which is closely related to the perception of temperature and humidity. While pavilions are mostly used as office and banquet places, some notable usage patterns have been identified. When there were several governmental pavilions in a town, the order of appreciation was determined by considering the location and scenery, and the pavilions were also used as a place to encourage learning as governors taught Confucian scholars well. Governmental pavilions functioned as a device to visualize hierarchy through seating and accommodation arrangements. The authors of the diaries left comments on the famous pavilions and sometimes went to see the pavilions after asking for permission from the superior. This research is meaningful in that it reconstructed the relationship network and phases of the times of governmental pavilions scattered across the country through institutions and daily life.

본 논문은 조선 전기 분청사기 향로가 세종실록 오례 <명기>에 제시된 향로의 조형 및 이를 따르고 있는 백자와 구별되고 있음을 주시하여, 분청사기 향로의 조형 및 제작 특징 을 살펴보고, 건국 초 국가의례용 향로에 대한 인식과 조형의 정립 및 정착 시기 등을 고찰 하였다. 조선 전기 국가의례에서 향을 피우는 분향(焚香) 의식은 오례(五禮) 중 군례(軍禮)를 제 외한 길례(吉禮) 가례(嘉禮) 빈례(殯禮) 흉례(凶禮)에서 반드시 거쳐야 하는 절차였던 만큼, 향을 피우는데 사용되는 향로 역시 중요한 기물이었다. 다만, 의례에 있어서 분향을 위한 향로의 설비 여부와 이원화된 설비 방식은 조선이 지향하거나 의례 정립에 참고한 중국 의례에 근간을 두고 새롭게 재편된 것이 아닌, 고려 의례를 따른 습속(習俗)에 해당할 것으 로 여겨진다. 따라서 건국 초에는 유교식 의례에 부합하는 향로의 조형 기준을 제시하기는 어려웠을 것으로 짐작된다. 더욱이 향로는 여러 의례에서 범용적으로 사용되었던 까닭에 길 례 제기(祭器) 및 가례와 빈례의 준작(尊爵) 품목에 포함될 수 없었으며, 이는 조선 전기 의례서에 향로의 조형 정보와 원칙이 누락 된 이유로 해석된다. 문헌 기록을 참고하면, 조선 전기 거행된 흉례의 분향 의식과 관련한 법과 제도는 1446 년까지 완전하게 갖추어지지 않았던 것으로 보인다. 부장용을 위한 명기(明器) 향로의 명칭 은 세종대(1418~1450)까지 ‘향완(香椀)’으로 표기되다가 단종 즉위년(1452)에 이르러서 야 ‘향로(香爐)’로 변경되어 세종실록 오례 (1454)에 적용되었다. 15세기 전반 국가의 례에 있어서 분향 제도의 미비와 향로와 향완의 명칭이 혼용되었다는 사실은 앞서 살펴본 의례용 향로에 대한 인식과 더불어 조형을 비롯한 체계가 완전하게 확립되지 않았음을 대변해 줄 것이다. 나아가 의례서에 제시된 부장용 향로의 조형인 ‘유개정형(有蓋鼎形)’ 또한 15세 기 후반 무렵에서야 정립 정착되었을 가능성을 생각해 볼 수 있다. 조선 전기 유적에서 출토되는 분청사기 향로는 의례서 수록되고 백자에서 확인되는 ‘정형 (鼎形)’과 다르고, 형태상으로 불교 공양구 향로의 조형인 ‘향완(香垸)’에 가깝다는 점에서 ‘향완형 향로’라고 할 수 있다. 다만, 분청사기 향완형 향로는 굽과 구연부의 형태, 입지름 높이 등의 크기, 명문의 배치와 내용, 문양 소재와 장식 수법 등 세부 요소에 있어서 불교 의례용 청동 향완을 따르지는 않았다. 분청사기 향완형 향로를 제작한 가마터는 관찬 지리지 에 자기소 등재 여부, 출토 유물의 명문 장식 기종 현황 분석을 종합해볼 때, 왕실 및 중 앙 관청과 관련한 진상 공납의 의무가 부여되었다는 공통점을 지닌다. 즉, 조선 전기 ‘분청 사기 향완형 향로’는 15세기 후반 무렵부터 제작되기 시작한 ‘백자 유개정형 향로’가 국가의 례용 향로의 재질 및 조형으로 정립되기 이전 및 정착되는 과정에서 왕실 및 국가의례를 위 한 향로의 한 축을 담당하였을 것으로 사료된다.

This thesis is a study to Haengnang(行廊, a series of buildings) of Sijeon(市廛, licensed markets), which was built along with palaces, Jongmyo(宗廟) and roads in order to establish Hanyang(漢陽) as the capital of Joseon (朝鮮). Sijeon, built on Jongno and Namdaemun-ro, the main roads in Hanyang, created two-row lands on both sides of the road, and formed Pimat-gil as an inner road between the Jeonbang and Doga. The formation of the city proceeded along with the maintenance of the water path, and the situation of the water path parallel to the flow of Sijeon was achieved. The Sijeon building was a spatial structure managed by independent rooms as a result of reflecting the unique operation method of Sijeon. The Sijeon of Hanyang had an impact on the formation of land, architecture, roads, and waterways, and acted as a major factor in determining the urban spatial structure of Hanyang City.

전(傳)의 형태를 띠고 있는 ｢우인효자군만전｣의 시대적 배경은 고려말이며, 저자는 여말선초 성리학자 및 정치인으로 잘 알려진 권근이다. 그는 증조부 권보와 조부 권준이 편찬한 『효행록』에 후서와 주해를 쓴 것으로 보아 유학 에 대한 박식함과 효에 대한 관심이 높았다고 볼 수 있다. ｢우인효자군만전｣보다 앞서 발행되었던 설화형태의 『삼국사기』 ｢열전｣과 『삼국유사』 ｢효선편｣에서 표현하는 효개념은 ｢우인효자군만전｣에서 표현하는 것과 근본적으로 다른 양상이라고 보여진다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 효를 서술함에 있어 설화와 전에서 표현하는 양상에서 차이점을 살펴보는 것이 목적이며, 이를 위해 구성적, 기술적, 논리적인 측면에서 검토할 예정이다. 효행설화에서 효를 부각시켰던 방법은 주로 중국인을 각색한 주인공이 연로하거나 병약한 부모님을 대상으로 효행하는 서정적 분위기와 효행은 곧 복을 받는다는 기복적인 내용이었다. 반면 ｢우인효자군만전｣에서는 주인공 설정의 탈중국화, 효행대상자인 부모 가 노약하거나 병약한 분위기에서 벗어나는 탈서정화, 효행을 하면 복을 받거나 하늘의 도움을 받는다는 기복적인 결론에서 벗어난 탈기복화로 기술(記述) 적 표현이 발전되었으며, 이에 따라 효를 표현하는 방법이 다양해졌음을 알 수 있다. 즉, ｢우인효자군만전｣에서 언급한 불효 10죄가 『효경』, 『명심보감』, 『맹자』 그리고 고려율을 적용했을 때 명백한 불효임을 논리적으로 밝히고 있다. 이는 효를 강조하기 위한 방법으로 대척도구로 불효를 사용한 것이라 볼 수 있다. 고려말 ｢우인효자군만전｣에 시도된 새로운 양상들은 조선시대 『삼강행실도』의 발행에 등장인물과 발간목적에 영향을 준 동기가 되었으리라 사료되며, 새롭게 시도된 표현방식과 문헌을 통한 논리적 근거를 이용해 효를 강조하고 있음을 알 수 있다.

Gogeum Seongnim (Gujin Shilin) written by Lee Euibong (Li Yifeng), a scholar of the Joseon Dynasty, is representative of Chinese dictionary in the Joseon period. Its collected Chinese characters have large vocabulary, a long time span, and a wide range of contents, which are extremely valuable for the study of Chinese character communication outside China. However, the book is vast in traditional Chinese characters. And the creation of this book was after twists and turns. There are still many errors in the Chinese characters included in the book. Therefore, it is necessary to correct the wrong Chinese characters. In addition, the corruption of ancient Korean writing is not uncommon. This means that it is necessary to collate Chinese dictionaries and correct the wrong Chinese characters at that time, which is the basis of foreign literature research. This article selects more than ten representative mistakes of Gogeum Seongnim and examines them, and on this basis, analyzes the reasons for the mistakes as errors caused by negligence in transmission and copying, negligence in sentence segmentation, errors in pronounce, and errors in form. From this, we can also glimpse the types and reasons of errors in the Chinese dictionaries in the Joseon period, which we wish to be helpful to the collation of and research on the Chinese dictionaries in the Joseon period.

This study examined the status of food specialties in Korea during the Japanese colonial period through『Specialities of Joseon (朝鮮の特産)』. The book recorded a total of 164 areas and 317 specialties, focusing on five railway lines and branch lines on the Gyeongbu, Honam, Gyeongui, Gyeongwon, and Hamgyeong. Among the specialities, 211 species were included, excluding overlapping ones. The food specialties accounted for 100 kinds in 159 regions or 47.4 percent of the specialties. There were 47 food specialties in 47 areas of the Gyeongbu Line, 21 food specialties in 20 areas of the Honam Line, 32 food specialties in 40 areas of the Gyeongui Line, 26 food specialties in 15 areas of the Gyeongwon Line, and 33 food specialties in 42 areas of the Hamgyeong Line. Among the specialties, the amount of fish and their workpiece was overwhelmingly the largest. Next came processed goods of fruits, grains, and vegetables. In modern factories, corn, tomatoes, blueberries, and sardines were made of processed goods. Factories have been constructed for glass noodles, sugar, and soju. Specialities and processed goods produced in each region were brought to Japan during the Japanese colonial period.

This study researched the food culture and bean economy of the Joseon dynasty during the 16th century and according to the primary lifestyle reference『Shaemirok (瑣尾錄)』. The research analyzed the textual contents of the『Shaemirok (瑣尾錄)』. It is clear that the people of the Joseon dynasty produced more beans than grain, at a ratio of 41 to 50, respectively. The soy bean sauce consumption was split into family consumption and non-family consumption. It was evident that there was more family consumption compared to that of non-family consumption at a ratio of 7 to 3, respectively. People of the Joseon dynasty annually recorded their way of making soy sauce from 1595 to 1600. The Joseon writers edited the record six times for making meju and four times for making soy sauce. The recorded ratio displays the ingredients of soy sauce, which were: 6 Du of Mal Jang and 2 Du of salt. Mal Jang and salt had a three to one ratio, respectively. The most mentioned food was Tofu during the mid-Joseon period with fifty six mentions. The Joseon people regarded making Tofu in a Buddhist temple as a family-bonding experience. Porridge was the second most prominent food next to Tofu, among the bean-related food. Porridge appears thirty five times. There were 3 types of porridge named: bean porridge, bean powder porridge and mung bean porridge.

조선후기 서화고동의 수장과 감상은 명대말기 문인 문화의 수용을 통해 나타나는 것이라 할 수 있다. 이러한 문화는 서적의 수입을 통해 수용되었고, 당대의 문집 등을 통해서도 확인된다. 당시의 서화고동의 수집과 감상은 상당히 광범위하게 이루어져서 수장가들은 고동, 서화라는 명칭이 들어가는 건물을 가질 정도로 많은 서화고동을 수장하고 있었다. 조선후기 고동기 수집과 감상의 경향은 명청대의 고동기 방제의 경향을 따르고 있어 상주 대 고동기를 비롯해 명대 선덕로의 방제가 주요한 수집과 감상의 대상이었다. 조선의 고동기 수집과 감상은 주로 鼎을 중심으로 이루어졌고, 현재 남아있는 것들은 대부분 18~19세기 조선에 유입된 것들이다. 조선후기 고동기 수집과 감상 열기로 인한 감식서도 등장하는데, 서유구의 『임원경제지』 ｢이운지｣권5 <예원감상>의 고동은 당시 고동기 수집과 감상에 필요한 다양한 내용을 『동천천록』, 『준생팔전』 등 명청대 고동기 수집과 감상의 대표 서적을 인용하여 작성한 것이다. 박지원의 『열하일기』 ｢고동록｣에도 당시에 유행하였던 고동기의 종류와 등급 등을 언급하였는데, 박지원은 인용 근거를 명시하시 않았지만 『준생팔전􋺸의 내용과 같음을 확인할 수 있었다. 또한 서유구와 박지원이 인용한 『준생팔전』의 내용 중 고동기 등급과 평가에 대한 것은 북송대 편찬된 『선화박고도』를 따르는 것을 확인할 수 있었다. 조선후기 지배층의 고동 수집과 감상의 경향은 문왕정과 선덕로로 대변되며, 문왕정은 유교적 대의명분이 강하였고, 선덕로는 명대이후 향로의 가장 중요한 품목이었기 때문에 조선 에서도 이러한 경향을 따랐던 것으로 볼 수 있다.

This study is focusing on anchogongs(按草工) in yeonggeonuigwes(營建儀軌), which were recorded with few details and in unsettled transcriptions. First, the positions and functions of anchogongs in 18th censtury are analyzed by comparing to anchogongs in more detailed early 19th century yeonggeonuigwes and those in extant buildings. Second, with the result, the historical significances are presumed in changing transcriptions of anchogong terms in those uigwes. In 18th century uigwes, most of anchogongs are functioned as matbo-anchogongs and only four anchogongs in a gate building were used as jongryang-anchogongs. It is mainly because the sorts of buildings in 18th century yeonggeonuigwes had only several varieties: most of the buildings belonging royal shrines. Transcriptions of anchogong terms had been changed for reflecting functional developments of anchogongs in 18th century. However, reflections were much later than changes of actual functions.

This study attempted to analyze how dancheong for palace tablets during the Joseon period was designed as related to what plans and what materials were being used. It also investigated how this unique culture formed. The results found the following: First, the tablet dancheong unveiled through literature was designed using diverse techniques such as jinchae and yeokcheongchil. In jinchae, shell powder was applied to the tablet as the first lacquering, and then was colored. Second, in lacquer, maechil, chaesaekchil and jeohyeoptaechil were used. In yeokcheongchil, vegetable black, oil ash and perilla oil were applied to bitumen. Third, during the Joseon Dynasty, dancheong was applied to a tablet after first lacquering just like the danpihoe lacquering of Jiangsu Sheng, China. This tablet dancheong technique was developed based on a unique Korean lacquering culture that had been handed down from ancient times.