오늘날 대의민주주의는 대중의 직접참여가 아니라 대표를 통한 간접참여가 근간을 이루고 있다. 본 연구는 국회의원선거제도가 선거결과에 직간접적으로 많은 영향을 주고 있다는 사실에 착안해 한국의 국회의원선거제도에 토대를 제공한 이승만 정부의 국회의원선거제도를 입후보자의 자격기준과 당선기준의 주요 변수인 선거구의 획정방법, 입후보자의 등록방법, 당선인의 결정방식을 통해 검토하였다. 이승만 정부의 국회의원선거제도는 제1대 국회의원선거제도를 기본으로 하여 부분적인 변화와 적용이 진행되었다. 첫째, 선거구의 획정방법과 당선인의 결정방식은 거의 동일하여 입후보자에게 변수로 작용하지 않았다. 둘째, 입후보자의 등록방법은 추천인 수의 축소, 등록기간의 단축, 기탁금제의 도입, 정당추천제의 도입 등 변화가 있었다. 특히, 정당공천제와 기탁금제는 집권당과 이승만 대통령의 권력안정화에 기여하였을 뿐만 아니라 한국의 정당구도가 양당체제로 개편되는데 커다란 영향을 주었다.

본 논문은 북한의 게임체인저 전략무기 개발과 한국의 대응을 분석하기 위한 것이다. 이를 위해 게임체인저의 개념 및 주요국 개발동향, 북한의 게임체인저 개발경쟁 합류, 한국의 대응을 살펴본 후 결론을 도출해 본 것이다. 북한이 제8차 당대회(2021.1.5.∼12)를 통해 핵잠수함과 극초음속무기, 다탄두ICBM·SLBM 등의 개발을 공식 천명함으로써 동북아 ‘게임체인저’ 개발경쟁은 더 가속화될 전망이다. 주변국의 극초음속무기 등 게임체인저 개발 그리고 북한의 핵잠수함·극초음속무기·다탄두ICBM·SLBM 개발 등 현재적·잠재적 위협과 관련해서 우리 군은 방위충분성전력 차원에서 핵잠수함 도입 및 극초음속무기 개발이 불가피하다. 핵잠수함 도입/건설은 문재인 대통령의 공약사항이고, 극초음속무기 개발은 국방장관(정경두)이 공식 천명한 사안인바, 모두 차질없이 추진되어야 할 것이다.

On October 29, 2020, the Fifth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) pointed out that traditional and non-traditional security should be coordinated, and security development should be integrated into all areas and processes of national development. Terrorism as an escalating threat factor in non-traditional security issues, anti-terrorism has become an important component of maintaining social security and stability, safeguarding people's lives and implementing national security strategy. Focusing on the "14th five-year plan" and the overall national security concept, through analyzing the overall environment of China's current counter-terrorism intelligence, and using the PEST-SWOT model to probe into the strengths and weaknesses of China's counter -terrorism intelligence information security. A scientific and reasonable international coordination and Cooperation Mechanism of counter-terrorism intelligence is put forward to provide an important guarantee for the modernization of counter-terrorism intelligence system and adherence to the overall national security concept.

Since 1990s, despite the strong opposition of the international community, North Korea has frequently conducted nuclear weapons tests and missile tests, and the DPRK nuclear issue has become an important factor affecting the security and stability of the Asia-Pacific region. As an extremely important multilateral organization in the Asia-Pacific region, ASEAN has gradually increased its influence in the Asia-Pacific region with the advancement of integration in recent years. In order to further enhance its influence and enhance its participation in Asia-Pacific affairs, ASEAN has been trying to give its voice on the Korean nuclear issue. The ASEAN Regional Forum and ASEAN Summit are the most important platforms for ASEAN to express its position and views. Since the North Korean nuclear issue became prominent, the North Korean nuclear issue has been a key topic discussed in the ASEAN Regional Forum and ASEAN Summit. Judging from the conference documents produced by the conferences over the years, ASEAN's attitude towards the Korean nuclear issue is still being fine-tuned. Although the international community has repeatedly issued policies to condemn North Korea and impose economic sanctions, ASEAN is generally neutral and conservative in its attitude towards the DPRK nuclear issue, and it is also very cautious in its actions. Recently, with China and Russia following the United States, they began to impose severe economic sanctions on North Korea, and their words changed to severe condemnation, and ASEAN's attitude towards North Korea also changed subtly. To some extent, the changes of the Korean nuclear issue in ASEAN reflect the constant fine-tuning of ASEAN's foreign policy. This paper aims to find out the fine-tuning of ASEAN's foreign policy and its influence on ASEAN by combing the changes of ASEAN's Korean nuclear issue and the potential reasons behind the changes.

In recent years, the bilateral relations between the United States and Vietnam have shown a momentum of rapid development. The year 2020 marks the 25th anniversary of the normalization of bilateral relations between the two countries. Through sorting out the effects, problems and development trends of the comprehensive partnership between the two countries, this paper discusses the factors restricting the development of the bilateral relations, and then analyzes the prospects of the development of the US-Vietnam relations. The United States and Vietnam have a number of strategic convergence points to deepen cooperation, but at the same time, the two countries still face challenges in ideology, political system and other aspects. In the future, it is possible for the US-Vietnam relationship to continue to strengthen. On the one hand, Vietnam will strengthen bilateral relations with the US and implement multilateralism diplomacy to contain China. On the other hand, Vietnam will avoid stimulating China and stabilize its relations with China.