본 논문은 강대국 경쟁 하에서 약소국들의 동맹 전략의 차이는 어디에 서 발생하는가에 대한 해답을 추구한다. 기존 국제정치 이론은 약소국들 의 자율적 외교 정책이 제한되어 있으며 국제정치에서의 힘의 배분이 약 소국들의 외교정책을 추동한다고 설명한다. 또 한편으로 국내정치의 구 도와 이데올로기, 민족주의의 국내 정치적 요소 또한 중요하다는 논의 또한 존재한다. 본 연구는 많이 주목받지 못했던 1950년대 초반 냉전의 형성 당시 인도네시아와 태국의 각기 다른 외교안보전략을 국내 정치적 비교연구를 통해서 분석한다. 두 국가는 모두 외부 경제적 지원의 필요 성, 안보 위협에 직면했으나 동맹전략에 있어서 인도네시아는 미국과의 동맹이 아닌 비동맹 전략을 취한다. 반면 태국은 국내정치적 논란에도 불구하고 미국과의 협력을 취한다. 본 논문에서는 이러한 차이가 이 두 국가의 국내 정치적 세력 구도의 차별성에 기인하고 있음을 밝힌다.

이 글은 오영수의 ｢이사｣ 발표 지면을 확인하기 위한 것이다. ｢이사｣는 1951년 발표로 알려져 있다. 그런데 1951년 ｢이사｣를 발표했다는 잡지 󰡔문예󰡕는 1951년에 발간되지 않은 것으로 확인된다. 따라서 이 글은 ｢이사｣가 들어있는 1953년 부산지역 잡지를 발굴하여 오영수 작품 연대를 보완하고자 한다. ｢이사｣가 발표된 지역 잡지는 남선전기주식회사에서 발행한 󰡔전우󰡕이다. 1953년 창간된 󰡔전우󰡕는 부산에서 나온 사외보로써 전기 문명에 대한 홍보와 더불어 구성원들의 소통과 교양을 위하여 창간되었다. 거의 절반 분량의 문예란을 두고 있는 것이 특징이다. ｢이사｣는 창간호 문예란에서 발견되었다. 이 글은 단편소설의 대가로 알려진 오영수의 ｢이사｣에 대한 서지학적 연구로써 지금까지 알려지지 않은 발표 지면을 발굴하였 다. 이를 통하여 지역 문학 연구를 위한 지역 잡지 발굴의 중요성을 확인하였다

The traditional Korean heating system ondol, one of the most important characteristics of Korean architecture, still remains as hydronic floor heating. Various studies have been conducted on the modernization of ondol, but the process of introducing the hydronic floor heating has not been seriously studied so far. Therefore, this paper aims to demonstrate how the hydronic floor heating had been introduced to Korea, taking the 1950s and 1960s Haengchon, Jongam, and Mapo Apartments for example – these three are regarded as the first Korean apartment houses after the Korean War. While Western advanced construction technology was imported for these apartments, various methods of modernizing ondol were also considered. What was remarkable in these attempts is that hydronic floor heating first appeared in Mapo 1st Apartment in 1962, because this is the universal heating method in the present Korea. This fact signifies that the traditional principle of floor heating has been maintained, and it would also be meaningful in terms of architectural exchanges between East and West, if considered along with Wright’s application of the Korean heating principle to his houses since 1930s.

The purpose of this study is to reveal the cultural meaning behind modern experiences of diversity through the history of clothing in Korea. To this end, this study examines aspects that dictate clothing culture acceptance experienced and practiced by women by analyzing the case of the Naju rural area in Jeollanam-do from the 1950s to 1980s. Modern clothing was accepted later in the 20 century in this village, and the Satgolnai traditional textile tradition was an important factor after 1950s. In addition, the continuity of the rural five-day market is different from practices in the city. Limitations in access to media such as TV, films, and magazines, and the functional meaning of clothing in rural areas contributed to limitations for women to get the opportunity to access modern clothing items that were popular in the city. Unlike in the city, the event that inspired the transition to full-scale modern clothing in this village was the Saemaul Undong Movement of the 1970s. Additionally, Mombbe (labor cloth) worn during the Japanese colonial period was continuously worn as daily clothes for Naju women even after the 1950s. Therefore, colonial modernity continued through clothing.

본고는 이성자의 1950-1960년대 프랑스에서의 활약을 ‘누벨 에콜 드 파리’의 관점에서 살펴본다. 전후 프랑스는 미국과 문화 종주국으로서의 입지를 두고 경쟁하는 와중 ‘에콜 드 파리’ 개념에 주목했고 ‘전통’과 ‘자연’을 중시하는 아시아 작가들을 대거 포함시켜 ‘누벨 에콜 드 파리’ 라 칭했다. 문화적 충돌과 번역을 거듭하는 ‘사이 공간’으로 작용했던 파리라는 특수한 장소에서, 이성자는 프랑스 미술에 대한 깊은 이해와 중국, 일본과 차별화되는 한국성을 은유적이고 혼성성이 두드러지는 작업을 통해 드러냈다. 이를 통해 이성자는 ‘누벨 에콜 드 파리’의 일원으로 인정 받고 국제적으로 활약한다.

For the proper preservation and utilisation of Regional Modern Heritage Buildings, it is necessary to study the history of local modern architecture based on a broad understanding of the region and also to architectural history. The aim of this study is expand the awareness and multi-faceted interpretation of modern architecture in Kwangju in the 1940’s to 1950’s, by exploring the origin of regional modern architecture from new perspectives. As a part of the discussions of the perspectives, this study will be therefore explained with the regional correlations between the architect Kim Han-seop’s works and activity, influential politicians, strong enthusiasm of education, architectural characteristics of the main building of Chosun University, architecture schools and association in Kwangju. Then, it will be finalised that Kim Han-seop and the main building of Chosun University are directly and indirectly correlated and affected each other strongly.

In 1961, the Republic of Korea’s first newly-constructed government building was completed. The government building, as ROK office, was erected as a twin with the USOM office in Sejong-ro. The reason why the ROK office and the USOM office were erected as a twin building is that the two offices were part of Foreign Operation Administration’s Seoul Buildings Project in 1954. Within the project, the FOA office and the ROK office were rarely separated, and naturally, the ROK office was built according to the US standards. The planning, design, and construction phases which led by the US government were involved in the US architecture, engineering-construction companies. Because those AEC companies were familiar with the US technology and standards. In the phase of construction, Korean companies took part in the process under the supervise of Vinnell Corporation. The US expected to transfer its ‘modern’ and ‘developed’ technology through this process. The completed ROK office was widely known as the ‘modern style (hyundae-sik)’ building, which was body forth as glasses and new facilities. These factors were what the US emphasized for exporting architecture. The modifier, ‘modern style (hyundae-sik)’, given to the ROK office in the 1950s was a synonym for any new feeling that had never been seen hitherto. The newness of the ROK office, the ‘modern style (hyundae-sik)’ building, was specified as materials and facilities that indicates modern technology while in the absence of adequate knowledge.

The objectives of this study were to investigate whether heel height changes in the U.S. market occur in a cyclical pattern and heel heights show greater within-year variability over time. Heel height data from U.S. Vogue’s spring and fall editions were analyzed over the time period 1950~2014. A total of 1581 pieces of data were measured in millimeter units using Adobe Illustrator and standardized by dividing the height of the heel by the shoe length through the curved sole line. To analyze the cycle pattern of heel heights, the yearly averages were standardized by using three-year moving average technique to average out the irregular components of time series data and give a better indication of the long-term fluctuation of heel height. To identify the degree of within-year variability of heel height, the standard deviation of the average measurements for a year was calculated, and then decade averages were drawn from the yearly averaged standard deviation. One-way ANOVA was conducted to compare the within-year variability of data in heel height over the time period studied by decade. The results showed: First, there was a trend toward higher heels from the early 1950s to 2011. Second, four cyclical movements of heel height were observed from 1950 to 2007, and heel heights gradually decreased after 2008. Third, the within-year variability significantly increased over time, especially after the 1980s.

This study examines the Singapore public housing supplied by Singapore Improvement Trust (SIT) in the 1950s. Focused on the Princess Elizabeth estate and Princess estate of Queenstown, this study surveys their construction backgrounds, site plans, unit plans, architectural designs and meanings. The Princess Elizabeth estate was the model estate for workmen’s flats. This estate showed mixed blocks of flats arranged around a large quadrangled open space for children. The Princess estate was a neighborhood of Queenstown, Singapore’s the first new town. At this Estate, there were some new architectural occurrences departing from the Tiong Bahru Estate. Those are the appearance of high-rise typology, and the increased specificity in the functions of open spaces. Thus the open space became to get hierarchy, and divided an estate to small neighborhood units. For the SIT, open space is synonymous with the improvement of urban environment. Through the purposeful creation of open space, the SIT intended to solve the problem of sanitation and to make a neighborhood unit which can be pleasant place for regional community.

Early 20th century Singapore was faced with the problem of overcrowding. The attendant problems of a rapid increase in population density, namely the lack of proper housing and sanitation, resulted in the issue of an appropriate residential environment emerging as an important task in urban planning. It was necessary to construct housing estates in order to solve this issue. At that time, the British colonial government attempted to transplant modern technology into the construction process of a residential complex system. However, Singapore’s climate and traditional lifestyle made it impossible to apply the British modern system in a straightforward manner, and in the process, a number of transformations emerged. With a specific focus on the Tiong Bahru estate, one of Singapore’s representative public housing projects, from the 1930s through the 1950s, this study intends to look at the way in which such residential estates were assimilated into local surroundings, and the effect of the transplantation of British concepts of modern housing theory. Therefore, the study is divided into an examination of the estate both before and after the turning point of World War II. This study confirms that the difference between the pre-war and post-war planning strategies for the Tiong Bahru estate were made according to the concept of ‘open space.’

The purpose of this study was to find whether hemline cycles exist and whether hemlines show greater within-year variability over time. Utilizing US Vogue data from 1950 to 2013 on hemline length of women's daywear, total 2102 day-dresses or skirts on full fashion pictures were analyzed. The skirt length was divided by the total length of figure in the picture which was measured from shoulder to ankle. Aggregated yearly means smoothed by means of three-point moving averages were used to provide a better indication of the long-term direction of movement of the hemline. Within-year hemline variability was smoothed by the way of three-point moving average as well. The data showed five cycles on hemline change processes. The first cycle took 21 years from 1950 to 1971, which was the longest period and had the biggest hemline changes. The second cycle was the shortest from 1971 to 1977, in which hemline moved between below-knee length and midcalf. The hemline in the third cycle moved between midcalf and miniskirt. The third cycle took 16 years from 1977 to 1993. The forth was a short cycle from 1998 to 2001, and hemlines moved moderately between below-knee length and above-knee length. The fifth cycle has been on going since 2001, and the hemline has been getting longer after 2007. The within-year variability of hemlines was bigger in 1980s than previous years and was steadily increased.

This study investigated women's magazines and women's food consumption stories of the 1950/s. That is, it attempted to comprehend the connection between the public and private aspects of food consumption as discussed in the 1950's. The public aspect of culture was investigated using the women's magazine "Yeo-won" which reflected the social and intellectual hegemony of the time. The private aspects of culture were investigated by reviewing the daily life of women though in-depth interviews. Mass media reflected the social and intellectual hegemony and indicated that a cultivated woman who supported western food was a wise mother and a good wife, and that a woman who consumed flour-based food was a reasonable and modern consumer, ahead of her time The admiration for the U.S. and its advanced civilization through free handouts of flour and powdered milk accelerated the consumption of industrialized flour-based foods such as noodles, hardtack, and steamed bread. This lead to the rigid traditional food-eating habits of boiled rice, and side dishes changed to flour-based and processed foods. That is, food represented a cultural identity.

This writing is to understand some trends and its meaning of Regionalism Architecture in Jeju Island since 1950's.This thesis began with an interestin the identity crisis implicitin the simultaneous striving formodernism and the so-called regionalvalues in Jeju Island.Regionalism is a response in architecturalterms to re-establish continuity in a given place between pastand presentforms,and also a uniqueresultrelated to particularplaces,culturesand climatesin region.Thisisone wayoflookingattheissuesofregionalidentity. Thestudy began by observing thegeneralcharacteristicsofcontemporary ideason Regionalism inJejuarchitecture.Thismeansthattracingthehistoryofdevelopmentof Regionalism architecture in research area is notthe focus ofthis thesis.The thesis demonstratesthatRegionalism architecturesin Jeju showssometrendsrelated to the local cultural elements (or ideas) such like traditionalarchitectural forms,natural environment,local construction-materials,etc.In summation,in the perspective of Regionalism architecture,mostofbuildingsin Jeju bring outthem only asvernacular architectureasitwasonceproduced,by thesimplecombination andimitation without anycreativeinteractionoftheregionalculture. Istressthe pointin thispaperthat,in overthelastfifty years,therehavebeen very narrowed attemptstodesign theregionalvaluesin themain,and alsopointout thatthereareproblemsinthemannerinwhichlocalarchitectshavegoneabouttrying to define the regional themes.So,a grate depth is required to understand the phenomenonthatJejuareaiswithitsvariousnuancesoftraditions,art,culture,climate and lightand then to reinterpretitinto the modern building type with allthe high sense.In addition to that,someconclusionsarereached on futuredirectionsand the significanceofthestudy.

This study was conducted to evaluate changes in food consumption during the 1950's on the basis of articles that reflected national policy and changes in society during that time period. Many factors are involved in the development and changes in food consumption culture, and these factors can affect each other. As a result, the process involved in the development of food consumption culture acts as a living system. This study evaluated the food consumption culture during the 1950's because this period was subjected to obvious influences that may explain the modern food consumption market logic and commercialism. Changes in the national food consumption are dependent on natural changes such as income enlargement or cultural exchange with a foreign country. Accordingly, food consumption during the 1950's was influenced by changes in economical, social, and political needs. In addition, the influx of surplus agricultural products from the United States had an adverse effect on local agriculture and resulted in an increased external dependence on food during the 1950s. Moreover, the import of raw materials and simple manufacturing techniques led to the development of an industrial food processing industry that enabled accelerated mass production of food at a low-price. Furthermore, the importation of surplus agricultural products from the United States that were used as the raw materials for foods that had traditionally been produced domestically led to an increased burden and qualitative decline in the local food-service industry. Taken together, the results of this study indicate that during the 1950's fresh food began to be replaced with processed foods in Korea.

Foreigners who arrived in Korea after the age of enlightenment were Japanese,Chinese and‘Westerners’who were Europeans and Americans. The westerners werediplomats who visited Korea for colonization or for increasing their economical profits bytrading after the spread of imperialism, and tourists curious of back countries, artists,explores and missionaries to perform their roles for their religious beliefs. They contactedwith Korean cultural and educational people as missionaries and instructors duringJapanese colonial period. In 1945, the allied forces occupied Korea under the name oftakeover of Japanese colony after Japan’s surrender and the relation between foreignersand Korean cultured men enter upon a new phase. For 3 years, American soldiers enforcedlots of systems in Korea and many pro-American people were educated. This relationshiplasted even after the establishment of the government of Korean Republic and especially,diplomats called as pro-Korean group came again after Korean War. Among them, therewere lots of foreigners interested in cultures and arts. In particular, government officialsunder American Forces who were influential on political circles or diplomats widened theirinsights toward Korean cultural assets and collected them a lot. Those who were in Korea from the period of independence to 1950s wrote theirimpressions about Korean cultural assets on newspapers or journals after visitingcontemporary Korean exhibitions. Among them, A. J. McTaggart, Richard Hertz and theHendersons were dominant. They thought the artists had great interests in compromisingand uniting the Orient and the West based on their knowledge of Korean cultural assets,and they advised. However, it was different from Korean artist’s point of view that theforeigners thought Korean art adhered oriental features and contained western contents. From foreigners’point of view, it is hard to understand the attitude Korean artistschose to keep their self-respect through experiencing the Korean war. It is difficult todistinguish their thought about Korean art based on their exotic taste from the Koreanartists’local and peninsular features under Japanese imperialism. We can see their thoughtabout Korean art and their viewpoint toward the third world, after staying in Korea for ashort period and being a member of the first world. The basic thing was that they couldsee the potentialities through the worldwide, beautiful Korean cultural assets and they thought it was important to start with traditions. It is an evidence showing Korean artists’pride in regard to the art culture through experiencing the infringement of their country. By writing about illuminating Korean art from the third party’s view, foreignersrepresented their thoughts through it that their economical, military superiority goes withtheir cultural superiority. The Korean artist’s thought of emphasizing Korean history andtraditions, reexamining and using it as an original creation may have been inspired bywesterners’writings. ‘The establishment of national art’that Korean artists gave emphasis then, didn’tonly affect one of the reactions toward external impact,‘the adhesion of tradition’.In theprocess of introducing Korean contemporary art and national treasure in America, differentview caused by role differences-foreigner as selector and Korean as assistant-showed thefact evidently that the standard of beauty differed between them. By emphasizing that thebasis to classify Korean cultural assets is different from the neighborhood China and Japan,they tried to reflect their understanding that the feature of Korean art is on speciality otherthan universality. And this make us understand that even when Korean artists professmodernism, they stress that the roots are on Korean and oriental tradition. It was obviously a different thought from foreigners’view on Korean art that Koreanartists’ conception of modernism and traditional roots are inherent in Korean history. In1950s, after the independence, Korea had different ideas from foreigners that abstract wasto be learned from the west. Korea was enduring tough times with their artists’self-respectwhich made them think that they can learn the method, but the spirit of abstract is in theorient.