미국 센서스 뷰로 데이터에 의하여 2차대전 후 민주당정부와 공화당정부의 실질 세전 소득증가율의 차이를 살펴볼 때 민주당정부 기간동안에 계층간의 소득불균형이 시정되면서 저소득계층의 소득증가율이 상대적으로 더 높았음을 알 수 있다. 반면에 공화당정부 기간동안에는 소득불균형이 심화되면서 저소득계층보다 고소득계층의 소득증가율이 더 높았다. 소득계층에서 하위 20%의 계층은 공화당정부의 기간동안에 비하여 민주당정부의 기간에 4배의 높은 소득증가율을 가졌다. 이는 양 정부별 실업률 차이에서 비롯되는 데 민주당정부의 기간 동안에 평균 30% 낮았으며 GDP성장률은 평균 30% 높았음에도 영향을 받은 것으로 판단된다. 이러한 정부별 차이는 1980년대 이후 세후 소득증가율에서도 나타나고 있다. 한편, 실증분석 결과에 따르면 한국의 경우 미국에서와 같이 저소득계층이 고소득계층 보다 거시경제정책에 따른 영향을 더 많이 받고 있음을 알 수 있었으며, 특히 신정부에서는 이전보다 적극적인 통화정책을 적절한 타이밍(timing)으로 실시하여야 할 필요성이 나타났다.

The objectives of this study were to develop Korean dishes acceptable for quick-service Korean food restaurant franchising operations in the U.S. and to test consumer preferences of 6 Korean dishes developed. One hundred American consumers evaluated beef(Bulgogi), pork(Jeyuk-bokkeum), chicken(Dagkalbi), noodles with seasoned vegetables(Japchae), braised tofu(Dubujorim), and stir-fried kimchi (Kimchi-bokkeum). Consumer preferences for color and aroma of the three dishes(Bulgogi, Jeyuk-bokkeum and Dagkalbi) were not different with most indicating they liked these attributes. Bulgogi was preferred over Dagkalbi and Jeyuk-bokkeum was least acceptable. Consumers rated the flavor of the Bulgogi from a little too mild to just right while both the Dagkalbi and Jeyuk-bokkeum were rated from just right to too strong. Overall acceptance was inversely related to spiciness. Bulgogi and Dagkalbi were ranked significantly higher than Jeyuk-bokkeum with Bulgogi receiving a slightly higher score. Overall acceptance was higher for the Japchae than the Kimchi-bokkeum. Dubujorim was intermediate and not preferred or disliked more than either of the others. Consumers rated the flavor of the Japchae and the Dubujorim higher than the Kimchi-bokkeum, indicating that the flavor of the Kimchi-bokkeum was too strong. Almost half indicated both the Dubujorim and Kimchi-bokkeum were slightly or much too hot. The Japchae and the Dubujorim were ranked equally high and significantly higher than the Kimchi-bokkeum. We suggest that control of spiciness is a main factor to develop Korean dishes acceptable for quick-service Korean food restaurant franchising operations in the U.S.

저권법상 뉴스와 뉴스 저작물은 전혀 다르게 취 급된다. 뉴스 그 자체는 단순한 사실, 사건으로 저 작권의 보호대상이 아니다. 뉴스를 소재로 기사를 작성한 경우, 즉 뉴스 기사는 저작권법의 보호대상 인 저작물이 될 수 있다. 뉴스와 뉴스 저작물은 사실과 표현의 이원화 원 칙에 따라 구별한다. 즉 표현의 저작물성을 인정함 으로써 창작 활동을 촉진하면서도 사실 또는 사상 그 자체는 공유재산(public domain)으로 모든 사람 이 자유롭게 의견을 개진할 수 있는 것으로 보고 있다. 하지만 어떤 사실 또는 사상을 표현하는 방식 이 하나밖에 존재하지 않을 경우 법원은 일반적으 로 표현의 저작물성을 인정하지 않는 경향이 있다. 뉴스가 저작권법의 보호를 받지 못하면 다른 사 람이 시간과 비용을 투자하여 얻은 뉴스를 무임승 차하려고 하는 사람들이 늘어난다. 미 대법원은 이 를 막기 위하여 따끈한 뉴스를 보호하고 있다. 즉 사실을 발견자 또는 뉴스 수집가의 준 재산으로 잠 시 인정하여 보호하자는 것이다. 연방저작권법 제107조는 저작물의 공정이용은 저작권의 침해가 되지 않는다고 명시하고 있다. 공 정이용의 원칙은 타인이 신문이나 방송의 뉴스를 상업적으로 이용하지 못하도록 하여 미디어 산업 을 보호하는 역할도 한다. 언론사의 경우 기자 등 직원이 창작한 기사, 간 행물, 방송물의 1차 저작권은 원칙적으로 언론사 에 있다. 하지만 프리랜서(freelancer)와 같이 외부 기고가가 창작한 저작물의 저작권은 언론사가 아 닌 해당 외부 기고가가 가진다.

The first part of this paper examines foreign language enrollment statistics from 1960 to 2002 in United States institutions of higher education. Spanish has been the most widely taught language for more than 35 years, and it counts for more than half (54.3%) of all enrollments in 2002. The second part of this paper reviews United States language policy history and its main debate focusing on two different policies: Bilingual Education and English Only Movement, and it reviews also their different points of view about the national identity of U.S.A. and their perspectives on foreign languages. The last part of this paper recommends that foreign languages be considered as precious resources for Korean future, not only several but more various foreign languages be taught in Korean middle and high schools, and bilingual education system or immersion program be introduced and implemented in special purpose institutions at least from middle school level.

This study introduces the significance of a historical method in qualitative research. The historical method has been divided into the introductory and traditional steps and the knowledge and skills that researchers should be prepared for has been examined in each step. Furthermore, this study described the importance of combining the historical method with the various qualitative methods in the social welfare research which inclines toward utilizing the specific qualitative methods: the methods giving spontaneously answers to the cause and effect of the social phenomenon. A suggestion has been made in the possible alternatives incorporating the historical method to the various qualitative methods.

The purpose of this paper is to cross-culturally analyze the meaning of 'love' in Korean and American pop lyrics of 1980's. Pointing out that the information provided by dictionaries is not sufficient to understand the cultural meaning of 'love', the corpus analytic method of semantic prosody is introduced as it is explicated by Hunston (2002). Using this semantic prosody technique, three different sets of pop lyrics are analyzed with WordSmith Tools software. The three data sets, one Korean and two American, represent 150 pop lyrics. Specifically, these texts are analyzed in terms of distribution patterns of 'love' in the lyrics. First, the modification pattern of 'love' is investigated. It is found that the Korean data is significantly skewed toward negative expressions, producing negative semantic prosody of 'love', while the American data which reflect American culture is overwhelmingly skewed toward positive expressions, producing positive semantic prosody. That is, Koreans experience 'love' in a fairly negative terms in their pop music, while Americans basically treat it positively. Interestingly, the American pop lyrics popular with the Korean public show in-between characteristics. Next, the predication patterns of 'love' are investigated when it plays the role of subject NP. The result again shows that these two cultures define 'love' drastically differently in their pop music. In sum, the semantic prosody technique proved to be useful as an analytic method for cross-cultural studies.

The purpose of this study is to examine the Americans' perception on Korean food by analyzing the articles of the New York Times which is the best quality newspaper in America. The number of articles of the New York Times on Korean food were 111 from 1980 to 2005. The average yearly articles was 1.3 form 1980 to 1989, 4.1 from 1990 to 1999, and 9.5 from 2000 to 2005. A large number of articles(54.1%) concerning Korean foods were restaurant reviews based on the experiences in dining at Korean restaurant in America. Main authors of restaurant reviews were Eric Asimo(14), Florence Fabricant(11), and Mark Bittman(8). The kinds of Korean foods reported in the New York Times were 111 which included staple food(21), subsidiary food(82) dessert(4) and Japanese Food(4). There were 15 recipes on Korean food reported in the New York Times including 3 items on Kimchi and 3 items on Bulgogi. The New York Times said Kimchi, Buigogi, Galbi, Pajeon, and Bibimbop were popular among Americans. The New York Times described Korean foods as exhilarating, robust, bold, rustic, healthful, incendiary, assertive, lusty, and exuberant. There were many favorable comments on Korean foods in the New York Times.

21세기 들어 알코올 및 약물중독의 문제는 범죄, 실업, 가족구성원간의 갈등 및 불화, 마찰의 증가, 그리고 개인적 심리사회적 고통과 같은 심각한 사회문제의 주된 원인이 되고 있다. 이로 인해 개인은 신체적, 정신적, 사회적 건강의 위협을 받고 있으며, 많은 국가에서는 이러한 문제를 해결하기위해 많은 사회적, 경제적 대책을 모색하고 있다. 이러한 문제의 대응에 있어서는 물론 다양하고 구체적인 해결 방안이 제시될 수 있으나, 이러한 해결방안들은 궁극적으로 ‘예방 및 치료’ 또는 ‘처벌’이라는 두 가지로 견해로 구분되어 진다. 본 논문은 이러한 두 가지 견해를 중심으로, 미국사회가 알코올 및 마약중독에 관한 문제의 해결을 위해 어떠한 선택을 했는지에 대한 고찰을 진행하였다. 이러한 연구의 목적을 위해, 본 연구는 미국의 약물퇴치정책에 관한 소사(小史), 사회적 의미로서의 중독의 개념과 이에 따른 해결방안, 마약과 범죄와의 관련성, 치료의 효율성측면에 대한 고찰, 음주운전자의 치료와 처벌의 효율성에 대한 비교, 그리고 치료와 처벌에 관한 비용-효과 분석에 관해 논의하였다.

2006년 10월 미국에서 개정된 연방상표희석화 방지법이 새로이 시행되었다. 위 개정법은 1995년에 미국상표법(Lanham Act)에 삽입되었던 상표희석화방지법의 시행 이후 10여년동안 저명상표의 희석화방지를 위한 요건 및 기준이 불분명하여 각급 연방법원에서 서로 모순된 판결을 함으로써 혼란이 있었던 것을 해결하기 위한 것이었다. 특히 2003년에 미국의 연방대법원이 Moseley사건에서 상표희석화 방지를 위한 금지처분의 요건을 엄격하게 해석한 것을 완화하는 것을 주내용으로 하는 개정법안에서는, 희석화의 정의를 명확히하고, 저명상표의 인정기준과 금지청구의 요건을 완화함으로써 희석화방지법의 본래 목적을 달성하려고 하고 있다. 우리나라에서도 그동안 1997년에 상표법 및 부정경쟁방지법에 상표의 희석화방지 규정을 신설한 이후, 최근까지 그 규정을 적용한 소수의 판결이 나온 바 있으나, 그 규정이 너무 간단하고 불명확하여 많은 혼란을 초래하고 있다. 이러한 점에서 미국의 새로운 연방상표희석화방지법의 개정내용은 우리나라의 상표희석화방지규정의 해석기준과 향후 개정방향을 제시하였다는 면에서 우리에게 시사하는 바가 크다.

The cultural debates between conservatives and liberals at the end of the 1980s andin the early 1990s were termed as “culture wars.”The “culture wars”involved a diverserange of controversial issues, such as the introduction of multicultural curricula ineducational institutions, prayers in schools, whether to allow gays to serve openly in themilitary, and whether abortion should be permitted. The most heated debates of the“culture wars”regarding art raged over the NEA and the question of whether AndresSerrano’s works should have been publicly funded, in addition to the exhibition “RobertMapplethorpe: The Perfect Moment”which were charged as projecting “obscene”or“blasphemous”images. This paper examines the development of culture wars in art and focuses on severalissues invoked by the NEA debates. However, it is not a detailed chronologicalinvestigation. Rather it pays attention to the several phases of the debates, analyzing andcriticizing the clashes of the political and esthetical points of views between conservativesand liberals. How could NEA funding, a mere fraction of the federal budget, have become socritical for both sides(conservative and liberal), for politicians and artists’groups, and foracademics and the general public? The art community was astounded by this chain ofevents; artists personally reviled, exhibitions withdrawn and under attack, the NEA budgetthreatened, all because of a few images. For conservative politicians, the NEA debate wasnot only a battle over the public funding of art, but a war over a larger social agenda, awar for “American values and cultures”based on the family, Christianity, the Englishlanguage, and patriarchy. Conservative politicians argued the question was not one of“censorship”but of “sponsorship,”since the NEA charter committed it to “helpingmuseums better serve the citizens of the United States.”Liberals and art communitiesargued that the attempt to restrict NEA funding violated the First Amendment rights ofartists, namely “free speeches.”“No matter how divided individuals are on matters oftaste,”Arthur C. Danto wrote, “freedom is in the interest of every citizen.” The interesting phase is that both sides are actually borrowing one another’s point of view when they are accompanied by art criticism. Kramer, representative of conservativeart critic, objected the invasion of political contents or values in art, and struggled to keepart’s own realm by promoting pure aesthetic values such as quality and beauty. But, whenhe talked about Mapplethorpe’s works, he advocated political and ethical values. Bycontrast, art experts who argued for Mapplethorpe’s works in the Cincinnati trial defendedhis work, ironically by ignoring its manifest sexual metaphor or content although theybelieved that the issues of AIDS and homosexuality in his work were to be freelyexpressed in the art form. They adopted a formalistic approach, for example, by comparinga child nude with putti, a traditional child-angel icon. For a while, NEA debates made art institutions, whether consciously orunconsciously, exert self-censorship, yet at the same time they were also producingpositive aspects. To the majority of people, art was still regarded as belonging to the pureaesthetic realm away from political, economical, and social ones. These debates, however,were expanding the very perspective on the notion of what is art and of how art isproduced, raising questions on art appreciation, representation, and power. The interestingfact remains: had the works not been swiped in NEA debates, could the Serrano’s orMapplethorpe’s images gain the extent of power and acceptance that it has today?