루쉰(魯迅, 1881-1936)과 량스추(梁實秋, 1903-1987)는 1920년대 말부터 1936년까지 번역에 관한 논전을 벌인 것으로 유명하다. 두 사람은 우선 루쉰의 ‘억지번역’이라고도 일컬어지는 ‘경역(硬譯)’에 대해서 열띤 논의를 하다가 그 논쟁의 초점이 문학의 계급성 유무를 밝히는 것으로 옮겨갔다. 또한 두 사람 모두 번역어로서 중국어에 부족한 부분이 있다는 점을 인정 한 바, 서구 언어의 문법으로 중국어를 보완할 수 있다고 보았다. 하지만 각자가 주장하는 해 결방식은 전혀 달랐다. 루쉰은 평소 혁명가로서의 역할을 자임한 것처럼 중국어 역시 빠른 시일 내에 급진적인 방식으로 개혁하고 아울러 중국인의 사유방식까지도 개혁되기를 바랐다. 이에 반해 량스추는 자신의 인성론에서 강조한 바인 문학은 문학 자체로 기능해야지 어떠한 수단으로서 기능하는 것에 반대한다는 주장에 근거하여 번역 또한 번역 자체로 독자의 이해를 돕는 기능에 충실해 야지 다른 목적을 위해 그것이 변용되는 것을 원치 않았다. 본고에서는 두 사람의 번역논쟁 을 통해 이와 같은 각각의 번역관이 어떤 방식으로 투영되어 있는지 살펴보았다.

연구자는 표절논란이 진행 중인 손몽주와 박정현의 사례를 미술과 저작권이란 양자적 관점 에서 분석한다. 손몽주는 박정현의 작품이 자신의 작품과 재료와 표현형태가 비슷하다는 이유로 2014년 대구지방법원에 전시금지가처분을 신청하였다. 법원의 결정에 따라 대구미술관에서 박 정현의 작품은 전시가 금지되었다. 이후 진행된 법적 분쟁에서 부산지방법원은 박정현에게 법원이 정한 일정한 표현 형식을 사용하지 말라고 판단하였다. 연구자의 주장은 미술표절 논란에 대해 법 적분쟁보다 미술계의 논의가 먼저 이루어져야 한다는 점과 미술표절의 판단 주체는 법원이 아닌 미술계가 되어야 한다는 것으로서, 현대미술에 대한 활발한 표절 담론 형성 필요성을 지적한다.

본 논문은 역사적 관점에서 7세기 이후 기독교와 이슬람 간의 주요 논쟁점을 살펴본다. 본 연구의 주된 내용은 무슬림들은 기독교인 들이 하나님, 예수, 마리아의 삼신을 믿는다고 생각한다. 다마스커스의 요한은 이슬람을 기독교의 한 분파나 이단으로 간주하였다. 테오도어 바르 코니는 다마스커스의 요한처럼 이슬람을 이단으로 간주하고, 무함마드를 이단의 두목으로 보았다. 가경자 피터, 루터, 칼뱅도 이슬람 을 이단으로 단정하였다. 무슬림들은 예수의 하나님 되심과 구세주이심 을 부인한다. 루터와 칼뱅은 무슬림들이 예수를 구원자, 중재자로 인정하지 않기 때문에 하나님의 긍휼을 받지 못한다고 보았다. 루터와 칼뱅은 이슬람을 하나님이 범죄한 자기 백성을 징계하기 위해 사용하시 는 진노의 막대기로 보았다. 루터는 무슬림을 기독교의 대적자로 보았 고, 칼뱅은 이슬람은 거짓 종교(우상숭배)이며, 무함마드는 배교자, 협잡꾼, 악마의 하수인, 그리고 적그리스도로 간주하였다. 새로운 무슬림 전도방안을 제시하면, 그리스도인들은 대 이슬람 변증의 주요 논쟁점이 무엇인지 우선 인식해야 한다. 이슬람에 대한 공격적인 선교 를 지양하고, 이슬람 선교의 장애물이 무엇인지 이해해야 한다. 성경과 유사한 꾸란의 내용을 활용하여 무슬림 전도의 연결고리(bridge)로 활용해야 한다.

Sajik, the altar of land and grain was treated as one of the most important national ritual facilities by the Joseon dynasty and the Ming dynasty because it symbolized the legitimacy of a dynasty, and its architectural ordonnance was arranged strictly by the government. But when the Joseon government considered to reconstruct its national Sajik altar in Hanyang during the Sejong period, they found the new architectural ordonnance for local Sajik altars recorded in 『Hongwulizhi(洪武禮制)』had been published by the Ming government was hard to adopt, because it was too narrow and totally different from the traditional style. Above all things, they doubt of there was other architectural ordonnance for kingdoms, not for local governments. King Sejong ordered to investigate the origin form and former examples, and tried to get other ritual documents of authority published by the Ming government such as 『Damingjili(大明集禮)』. After several academic researches and intense debates, they decided to create a new architectural ordonnance for their national Sajik altar, its form was in accord with the traditional style and its size was in accord with the new ordonnance. But they did not know there had already been the architectural ordonnance for the kingdom in the Ming dynasty. Because the first emperor of the Ming dynasty had changed its Sajik ritual system several times, even the whole country of the Ming dynasty also had gone through chaos on this issue even after his death. Consequentially, the official documentation works had been made partially, there was no a complete document on this issue even in the Ming government.

According to Johan Huizinga (1949), as a Homo Ludens, man developed play (game) element in our culture during evolution. Roger Caillois (1961) categorized play into four groups: Agon (competition), Alea (probability), Mimicry(roleplaying), and Ilinx (altered perception). Current video/computer games are comprised of one or more of them combined. As these sociologists of game assert, game is one of the most basic and fundamental elements of our culture. However, some gamers become highly immersed in playing games, even to the degree of addiction. In 2013, National Assembly of Korea proposed a bill that would help alcoholics, drug addicts, gambling addicts and video game addicts. This caused huge social debates among experts and lay people. While some experts say that gaming addiction is not a truly existing phenomenon, some people say that we need law to regulate gaming in order to help prevent the addicts. These issues have become a problem of technological governance. This article analyzes 80 researches or so that may help us to learn about the problems and answers of the internet addiction, gaming addiction, and internet game (online game) addiction, or computer games for the youth in general. In order to maintain a well performed technological governance, first we need to know the characteristics of the issue. The author hopes that this article may be a ground study to start the scholastic discussion about the gaming governance in Korea.

An advocate of the exclusive use of Hangul asks to an advocate of mixed use of Chinese characters. We don't have any problems in delivery of meaning by only using of Hangul, and don't get any educational effects by teaching Chinese characters, then why do we have to study Chinese characters mixed that are the remnants of Japanese colonial era, why do we increase studying burden and private education? On the other hand, an advocate of mixed use of Chinese characters ask to an advocate of the exclusive use of Hangul. We can't communicate clearly by only using of Hangul, and ㄴstudying Chinese characters strengthen thinking power, then why do we have to stop the mixed use of Chinese characters that is effective in education of students. There are big differences of opinion each other. How can we harmonize these two conflicting thoughts. In results, We have to stand not on the scene of a dispute but on the field of an education, and we have to watch and judge this problem as we think about my own child. Which is effective in understanding any vocaburary, and in improving Korean language ability? This question is the only one standard of choicing way to go. Learning and communicating capabilities, thinking and creating powers of students are the most important factors in judging way to go. Any other factors have to be excluded.

The main purpose of this study is to analyze the disputes concerning the 1982 moratorium on commercial whaling and the standing rights of other natural objects. Basically, the debates has arisen from the very nature of whales and other natural resources, that is to say, a mixed good of consumptive and non-use value. The debates between pro- and anti-moratorium states regarding whaling may not find out a peaceful solution without compromise or negotiation since any international institution for official settlements does not exist. If the pro-states could provide anti-states with a certain type of economic incentive which is side payments, anti-states might offer self-restraint not to whale. Here, it would be considered to apply Kaldor-Hicks compensation principles to this problem. Since 1965, some countries such as the United States and Japan began to recognize the standing right of natural objects. Even though rejected, the newt case in Korea was brought to the Supreme Court. If a standard of living increases significantly to a higher level(i.e. more than per capita income US$30,000), there would be a tendency of valuing natural objects and their beauty more and more highly.

Although many theoretical and empirical studies consider violent games, general causality between violent games and aggression or violence is ambiguity. To overcome such limitations, we try to identify the focal points of violent games. This study aims to explore the critical debate about violent games from research result in terms of heading in opposite directions. Furthermore, we analyzed the discourse of the violent game based on catharsis theory and cognitive neoassociation theory. Catharsis theory predicts that 'venting' aggression through exposure to violence will reduce the risk of later aggressive behavior. On the contrary, cognitive neoassociation theory posits that aversive events produce negative affect such as aggression. Several recent studies found little evidence for a relationship between violent games and aggression or violence. Given that aggression is not negative, it is reasonable to study the potential benefits of violent games. Therefore, we suggested several ways to application the violent games based on prior literature.

After beginning of the 21st century, Some Chinese scholars called for switching their national policy to the conversion of the perception of their ethnic problems. Beijing(北京)University sociology professor Marong considers that the cause which does not solve their national problems in China gives minorities more political emphasis in their policy, so he proposed that by means of ‘De-politicization’ of the national policy, redirect its policy from 'politicization' to 'culturalization' of ethnic issues so as to strengthen national identity among ethnic minorities. In addition, The two Qinghua(清华) University economics professors urged "the Second Stage Nationalities Policy'. In here, They urged that Marong's ‘De-politicization’ opinion be realized. These new claims were embroiled in controversy with strong criticism from critics because these claims are not only complete denial current national policy but also these claims are claims radical enforcement policies. This paper mainly analyzes the main contents and the key issues related to these problems and the possibility that the adoption of a policy.

India had been opened to Protestant missionary activity by a decree of the British Parliament in 1813. In 1832/1833, non-British missionary agencies were allowed to enter and launch their mission work in British India. The Protestant (mostly British) missionaries were very eager to preach the gospel message and disseminate gospel tracts on the market place. Inevitably, missionaries had clashed with local Muslims. There arose a fear that the beginning of Christian preaching and proselytizing activity in Agra was a threat to the center of Islam on the uneducated Muslims of the city and the surrounding region. Protestant missionary activity was a new phenomenon to the Muslims of north India. Encounters between Indian Muslims and Protestant missionaries in the years following British expansion into the old Mughal heartlands of north India brought about a mode of interaction and conflict between the two parties. This study examines the obstacles in reaching out to the Muslims with a special emphasis on the debate held in Agra, India on April 10-11, 1854. I will attempt to analyze the significance of this Muslim-Christian debate in India and its effects on future Muslim apologetical works. One of the missionaries, Karl Pfander, who was already experienced in Georgia, was circulating Persian and Urdu gospel tracts which criticize Islam and their prophet Muhammad. Kairânawî, together with some of the local Muslims, thought that it was the high time to challenge the aggressive mission activity. The Agra debates marked a turning point in Christian-Muslim apologetics, for it was the first time that Muslim theologians utilized European critical methods to disprove Christian doctrines. Why is the 1854 Agra debate of such significance? Although the Agra debates took place nearly 160 years ago, their impact is still felt today. Both disputants are still well remembered in the Muslim world and have influenced not only the form of modern apologetics, but the modern Muslim view of Christianity as well. Although the debates had been planned to address the topics of the deviation of the Bible, the Trinity, the Quran as the word of God, and the sending of the prophet Muhammad, the debate did not proceed further than the deviation of the Bible. The Islamic polemicists insisted that the Bible had been corrupted and tried to prove this with evidence taken out of the Bible itself and works from Christian authors who most fellow Christian would regard as skeptics or outright unbelievers. The timing of this counterattack was significant because Pfander, with a Pietist background, was either unfamiliar with or extremely hostile to the works of the aforementioned Biblical liberals. By utilizing such findings to undermine Pfander from within the Christian fold, the Muslims were able to declare an easy victory. Interestingly, the Muslims still employ such tactics today to attack Christian beliefs as they did 160 years ago. Therefore, missionaries who are working among Muslims should know the issues of the Agra debate and be prepared to answer the Muslims.

Our close observation of the debates among Pauline scholars in the west on the issue of mission-relationship between Paul and the church provides some points to be borne in mind for a fresh approach in our further discussion. The dichotomy between scholars’ approach to the issue of mission-relation between Paul and the church either in terms of mission-continuity or mission-discontinuity needs to be remedied by appreciating the possibility to see the issue afresh, namely, continuity ‘and’ discontinuity. Therefore, our further discussion is to begin with assuming a certain ‘mission-continuity’ between Paul and the church or at least Paul’s missio-ecclesial understanding vis-à-vis his understanding of his own mission. This again means that the unsettled exegetical question is not about such a mission-continuity or mission-discontinuity between Paul and the church but about the nature of such a continuity. On a more fundamental level, the current debate has more to do with a more plausible description of Paul’s conceptuality regarding what Pauline scholars have generally called ‘mission’ than simply to explain away the relation between Paul and the church under a given popular definition of mission. As the modern notion of ‘missio-Dei’ and “missional ecclesiology’ do, a more plausible description of Paul’s conceptuality regarding the current issue requires to see ‘mission’ not ‘pattern-analytically’ but ‘purpose-analytically’. However, this should not be done anachronistically by projecting these modern notions to Paul’s texts, but in a way in which we can provide a more biblical and historical basis for a better understanding about our mission today.

부부강간에 관해 종래 학설은 긍정과 부정하는 견해로 대립하여 왔다. 2013년 5월, 대법원은 40년 이상 유지해 온 입장을 변경하여 부부강간을 인정하는 판결을 내렸다. 이러한 판례와 법해석의 변화의 이면에는 시민의 성에 관한 법인식과 패러다임의 요청 등 다양한 원인을 내포하고 있을 것으로 판단된다. 부부사이의 강간죄는 궁극적으로 성(性)이라는 차이에서 연유하는 것이며 이는 곧 부부의 특수성으로 이어지게 된다. 따라서 이 글에서는 부부강간을 바라보는 기존의 입장을 정리하고, 지금까지 판례가 어떠한 법해석의 변화를 거쳐 왔는지를 살펴보기로 한다. 이번 판결은 부부간의 성적 자기결정권에 따른 어떠한 폭력에 의한 강제력의 행사는 규범적 차원에서 받아들여질 수 없다는 사실을 다시 확인한 사례라고 할 수 있을 것이다. 반면 부부라는 특수한 관계로 인하여 국가형벌권이 적극적 관여 자체가 일정한 문제들을 생겨나게 할 가능성도 없지 않다. 강간죄의 객체가 부녀에서 사람으로 변경되었으므로 앞으로 해석상의 문제는 어려움이 없어 보이기는 하지만, 여전히 대법원의 반대의견처럼 우려의 목소리도 남아있는 실정이다. 따라서 부부강간에 관한 학설대립 및 법해석의 변화를 살펴봄과 동시에 강간죄의 객체 및 보호법익의 문제 및 처벌의 문제 등 남아있는 문제를 생각해 보고자 한다.

이 글은 지방자치제의 시행으로 변화한 한국 사회의 여러 지형 가운데 특산품의 사회적 생산 과정에 관심을 두고 있다. 지방자치제 이후 대부분의 지역에서는 인물, 역사적 사건, 민속, 경관, 특산품 등을 지역 상징화하며 홀로서기를 시도했다. 이 과정에서 지역간의 이해관계가 발생할 때에는 지역과 친연성을 강조하기 위한 다양한 담론들을 생산했다.이 글에서 관심을 갖는 ‘원조대게’ 논쟁의 경우 영덕과 울진에서 지역의 특산품인 대게를 상징화하는 과정에서 불거졌다. ‘원조대게’ 논쟁에서 유리한 고지를 점하기 위해 두 지역에서 펼친 전략은 크게 ‘역사만들기’, ‘마을만들기’, ‘축제만들기’로 요약된다. 먼저 역사만들기 과정에서는 문헌, 민속, 구술, 생활사 등을 발굴하거나 재해석하며 대게의 역사성과 정통성을 드러내려 했다. 다음으로 마을만들기 과정에서는 역사만들기를 통해 생산한 성과들을 바탕으로 ‘대게의 고향’을 만들면서 신화적 공간을 구축했다. 이어서 축제만들기의 과정에서는 각종 담론들을 담아내고 새로운 전략을 선보이는 장으로 활용했다. 이처럼 두 지역에서 대게를 품안으로 끌어들이기 위해 펼친 행보를 통해 특산품이 사회적 생산과 의미화 과정을 살필 수 있을 것이다.

This paper is a study on the ‘Emancipates the Mind’ in China. Emancipates the mind, is ‘the breakthrough’ and ‘the innovation’ unceasing synthesis. Hu Jintao said that we must continue to emancipate the mind, realistically(實事求是)、to keep pace with the times(與時俱進), the scientific analysis worldly affairs(科學分 析). Hu Jintao is insisted throughout emancipates the mind, realistically, insisted throughout depends upon the people, the service people. 30 years ago the reform and open policy which designs by Chinese former leader Deng Xiaoping are the ‘Emancipates the Mind’ achievements, it take 1978 the truth standard big discussion and 11 Third Session’s great transition as the symbol. I deal with ‘the truth standard big discussion(眞理標準大討論)’, ‘the surname capital surname society(姓資姓社)’, ‘surname male surname private(姓公姓私)’ and ‘surname not produces surname has produces(無産有産)’.　

The Christian approach to Islam has been undergoing a period of flux during the last decade. As a reaction to the slow progress in Islam mission and the fragility of churches of converts from Islam, some missionaries have cast about for a new model of approach for the Muslims. An important feature of the new approach has been a quest for new forms that involve converts remaining within Islam. This has been called C5 ministry or “insiders movement.” This C5 ministry among the John Travis’ C1-C6 spectrum, which compares and contrasts types of “Christ-centered communities” found in the Muslim world(1998), has drawn fire from the other side of the missiologists. Phil Phashall considered C5 approach to represent a dangerous slide into syncretism. Although John Travis and Dean S. Gilliland responded on the criticism, that was the beginning of long arguments on the possibility, validity, and credibility of the C5, or insiders movement. These arguments can be divided into two categories: theological interpretation on the biblical references which have been used to support the C5 ministry and some missiological issues on definitions of the terminologies of C5 ministry as well as social-religious culture and identity of the insiders. Due to the limited space, the author focused on some missiological issues only. The author analyzed the missiological arguments by dividing them into four areas: degree of contextualization, possibility of using Islamic culture and religious forms, Christian identity, and ethical problem. Then the author showed how the arguments have been expanded more widely among the missiologists’ circle after 2006. At the end, the author concluded that the arguments are still in progress. The arguments have shown the positive possibilities of Islam mission and left some challenges. The challenges are lacking of MBB leaders’ participation in the course of the argument, the continuing quotations of Parshall’s statistics from the side of the opponents, the issue of the translation of some sensitive biblical expressions to Muslims such as “Son of God,” and theological exegesis and applications of the supporting biblical references of the proponents. However, I feel more deepened discussions needed in the future. C5 ministry will continue to grow, regardless of the process of these arguments, because of its dynamic characteristics. Thus, we need to show generous attitude to the process of their growth and focus on the direction of the group as well as the each individual of C5 movement. And everybody in the future arguments needs to remember that each argument should be a process to keep balance between theology and praxis in order to build Christ’s church.

2002년 중국의 동북공정 추진 이래, 우리는 초기 감정적인 동요 분위기에서 소극적인 형태로 전화돼 계속 학술적 대응 태도를 고수해 오고 있다. 한국의 대응이 학술적 연구에만 그치는 동안 중국 정부의 묵인아래 중국의 동북공정논리는 전 세계로 빠르게 확대되어가고 있다. 그러한 관계로 한국에서의 동북공정에 대한 인식이 점점 소멸해가고 있다는 우려가 있는 상황에서 필자는 본고에서 동북공정논쟁이후의 한중 양국의 인식차이에 대한 비교를 해보고자 한다. 먼저, 중국의 동북공정에 대한 인식은 아래와 같다. 첫째, 대외적으로 패권주의 발현을 지향하고 있다. 중국의 동북공정의 패권주의 발현이라는 측면을 정리하자면, 전세계적 패권국으로의 부상, 동아사이의 맹주로의 추구, 북한정권 붕괴 후 한반도까지의 영향력 행사 등까지 계획 중이다. 둘째, 중국내 내부적 인식 태도는 국경 지역 영토 확보 및 다민족 국가인 중국민의 정서적 분열을 사전에 예방하고자 진행된 것이라 하겠다. 다음으로 한국의 입장은 아래와 같다. 첫째, 한국인의 고구려사 역사인식에 대한 환기이다. 동북공정의 결과가 어떠하든, 한국사회는 반드시 고구려역사를 환기하고, 재고해봐야 할 것이다. 둘째, 민족주의 혹은 탈민족주의 및 동아시아론 등의 이론 등장이다. 다민족·다국가가 함께 생존하는 지구상에서 제민족의 우월성을 강조하는 민족주의 혹은 탈민족주의 및 동아시아론이 함께 등장·주장되고 있는 것이다. 셋째, 이는 학술적 문제가 아닌 정치적 문제로의 인식 전환이 필요하다. 한국은 동북공정을 학술적 문제로만 인식하고 있는데, 그들의 동북공정의 진정한 목적·그에 대한 대응책을 정확하게 분석, 파악, 인식해야 할 것이다. 이에 우리는 대내적으로는 범국민적 제대로 된 역사인식 교육에 힘쓰고, 아울러 소중한 고대사에 대한 지각 있는 성찰이 필요할 것이다.

The cultural debates between conservatives and liberals at the end of the 1980s andin the early 1990s were termed as “culture wars.”The “culture wars”involved a diverserange of controversial issues, such as the introduction of multicultural curricula ineducational institutions, prayers in schools, whether to allow gays to serve openly in themilitary, and whether abortion should be permitted. The most heated debates of the“culture wars”regarding art raged over the NEA and the question of whether AndresSerrano’s works should have been publicly funded, in addition to the exhibition “RobertMapplethorpe: The Perfect Moment”which were charged as projecting “obscene”or“blasphemous”images. This paper examines the development of culture wars in art and focuses on severalissues invoked by the NEA debates. However, it is not a detailed chronologicalinvestigation. Rather it pays attention to the several phases of the debates, analyzing andcriticizing the clashes of the political and esthetical points of views between conservativesand liberals. How could NEA funding, a mere fraction of the federal budget, have become socritical for both sides(conservative and liberal), for politicians and artists’groups, and foracademics and the general public? The art community was astounded by this chain ofevents; artists personally reviled, exhibitions withdrawn and under attack, the NEA budgetthreatened, all because of a few images. For conservative politicians, the NEA debate wasnot only a battle over the public funding of art, but a war over a larger social agenda, awar for “American values and cultures”based on the family, Christianity, the Englishlanguage, and patriarchy. Conservative politicians argued the question was not one of“censorship”but of “sponsorship,”since the NEA charter committed it to “helpingmuseums better serve the citizens of the United States.”Liberals and art communitiesargued that the attempt to restrict NEA funding violated the First Amendment rights ofartists, namely “free speeches.”“No matter how divided individuals are on matters oftaste,”Arthur C. Danto wrote, “freedom is in the interest of every citizen.” The interesting phase is that both sides are actually borrowing one another’s point of view when they are accompanied by art criticism. Kramer, representative of conservativeart critic, objected the invasion of political contents or values in art, and struggled to keepart’s own realm by promoting pure aesthetic values such as quality and beauty. But, whenhe talked about Mapplethorpe’s works, he advocated political and ethical values. Bycontrast, art experts who argued for Mapplethorpe’s works in the Cincinnati trial defendedhis work, ironically by ignoring its manifest sexual metaphor or content although theybelieved that the issues of AIDS and homosexuality in his work were to be freelyexpressed in the art form. They adopted a formalistic approach, for example, by comparinga child nude with putti, a traditional child-angel icon. For a while, NEA debates made art institutions, whether consciously orunconsciously, exert self-censorship, yet at the same time they were also producingpositive aspects. To the majority of people, art was still regarded as belonging to the pureaesthetic realm away from political, economical, and social ones. These debates, however,were expanding the very perspective on the notion of what is art and of how art isproduced, raising questions on art appreciation, representation, and power. The interestingfact remains: had the works not been swiped in NEA debates, could the Serrano’s orMapplethorpe’s images gain the extent of power and acceptance that it has today?

The Sociolinguistic Journal of Korea 14(2). Working with others in organizations, people often need to express conflicting opinions. An argument is the process of harmonizing and compromising conflicting opinions. Many researchers have recognized the value of argument and conducted research on interpersonal argument, ranging from specialized contexts with special issues to more general conversational contexts. However, there has been relatively little research conducted on this important interpersonal communication aspect in Korea. This study examines the relationship between personal traits related to argument and personal success within organizations. Three personal traits - argumentativeness, argumentative flexibility, and verbal aggressiveness - were used to measure individual characteristics towards argument; and, the time spent for promotion, job satisfaction, and organizational commitment were used to assess organizational success. In addition, the present study attempted to discern if there is any difference in the participants' personal traits toward argument according to the group they belong to. The participants' background information such as the type of organization they work for, the type of work they currently do, gender, age, marital status was collected. The results of a survey administered to 202 office workers are discussed in light of implications.

This article explores how the conflicting ideological positions of two leading Korean newspapers, Chosun Ilbo and Hankyoreh Shinmun, are linguistically represented in the editorials dealing with the recent controversy concerning the abolition of the 'National Security Laws'. Within the framework of Critical Discourse Analysis, this article examines topics and key values at the macro-level, as well as transitivity, reference to and predications about actors, and rhetorical strategies at the micro-level. This study reveals that there are important qualitative and Quantitative differences at each level between the two newspapers, and argues that, in keeping with the 'ideological square' of positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation suggested by van Dijk (2000), these differences can be seen as reflecting and reconstructing the two newspapers' institutional identities as mass media representing conservatism and liberalism, respectively.